JPrice   ;3£5  Cents   per  Copy. 


SLAVERY 


ABOLITIONISM 


AS    VIEWED    BY    A 


QEORGIA   SL-A^IE. 


BY  HARRISON  BERRY, 

THE  PROPERTY  OF  S.  W.  PRICE,  COVINGTON,  GEORGIA. 


ATLANTA,    GEORGIA: 
M.    LYNCH    &    CO.,    PUBLISHERS. 

PRINTED  AT  THE  CRUSADER  OFFICE. 
1861. 


• 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2012  with  funding  from 

University  of  North  Carolina  at  Chapel  Hill 


http://archive.or<^etails/slaveryabolitionOOberr 


HARRISON  BERRY. 


■• 


SLAVEEY 


N 


AS   VIEWED    BY   A 


G-ZEOZR/GiA.   SLAYB. 


BY  HARRISON  BERRY, 

THE  PROPERTY  OF  S.  W.  PRICE,  COVINGTON,  GEORGIA. 


ATLANTA,  GEORGIA: 
Ml.    LYNCH    &d    CO.,    PUBLISHERS. 

PRINTED  AT  THE  CRUSADER  OFFICE. 
1861. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1861, 

By  A.  M.  EDDLEMAN  &  BROTHER, 

For  the  use  of  Harrison  Berry,  (a  slave,  the  property  of  S.  W.  Price,  of  Cov- 
ington, Georgia,)  in  the  Clerk's  office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  Eastern 
District  of  Tennessee. 


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Library,  Univ. 

North  Carolina 

PREFACE 

TO  COMMENT  ON  MR.  LINCOLN'S  INAUGURAL. 


I  could  not  hope  for  the  acquiescence  of  my  Southern  masters 
in  this  my  views  on  Mr.  Lincoln's  Inaugural,  were  it  not  from  the 
fact,  that  his  party  is  a  mixed  up  affair  of  colored  and  white,  all 
equally  bent  and  determined  to  carry  out  their  views,  regardless 
of  the  aflecting  consequences  whatever ;  and  when  we  read  the 
speech  of  a  colored  man  by  the  name  of  Charles  L.  Redmond,  de- 
livered in  Boston  at  an  Anti-slavery  Convention,  held  in  May, 
1 856 i,  when  we  hear  him  say,  "remembering  Washington  as  a 
Slaveholder,  he  (Redmond)  could  spit  upon  him ;"  and  when  we 
hear  him  applauded,  in  the  highest  degree  of  mirth,  by  his  fac- 
tional party,  while  the  conservative  men  groan  under  the  sound 
of  that  blasphemous  language,  may  be  an  excuse  for  one  poor 
Slave  whom  that  party  pretends  to  be  helping,  (but  is  actually 
doing  him  harm ;)  and  when  my  Southern  masters  take  into  con- 
sideration the  many  tricks  fixed  up  to  deceive  the  poor  Europeans, 
who  are  constantly  immigrating  to  their  States,  by  telling  them 
that  if  they  vote  for  the  pro-slavery  candidate,  it  will  be  the  means 
of  enslaving  them,  I  am  in  hopes  will  be  a  pleader  for  their  sym- 
pathies with  this  my  presumption. 

The  Anarchy  predicted  by  my  first  edition,  written  some  eight 
months  before  the  election,  stating  that  the  election  of  a  sectional  * 
man  to  the  Presidency  would  inevitably  bring  about  the  state  of 
things  which  stands  before  us  in  a  monstrous  form  at  the  present 
time,  may  be  conceded  to  me  as  a  good  guesser,  at  least.  Under 
these  considerations,  together  with  others  stated  in  the  commen- 
tary, I  hope  they  will  forgive  me  for  making  the  attack,  and  ex- 
tend to  me  that  sympathy  I  do  so  earnestly  desire. 

HARRISON  BERRY. 


• 


CERTIFICATES. 


From  Hon.  L.  J.   Gartrell. 
From  evidences  in  my  possession  of  the  most  reliable  character,  I  am  satisfied 
that  the  Slave,  Harrison  Berry,  is  the  author  of  a  pamphlet,  entitled  "  Slavery  and 
Abolitionism,  as  viewed  by  a  Georgia  Slave."     I  know  him  personally,  have  con- 
versed with  him.  and  believe  him  capable  of  writing  it. 

LUCIUS  J.  GARTRELL, 
Late  member  of  Congress,  4th  District. 
Atlanta,  April  14,  1861. 


From  W.  W.  Clark,  Esqr. 
I  am  the  owner  of  the  wife  of  Harrison  Berry — have  had  him  hired  for  two 
years — have  seen  and  read  his  manuscript — and  can  certify  to  the  fact  that  he  is 
the  author  of  a  pamphlet  entitled  "Slavery  and  Abolitionism,  as  viewed  by  a  Geor- 
gia Slave."  He  is  a  "  Southern  Rights"  negro — a  good  and  honest  servant,  and 
his  book  is  worthy  of  public  consideration  and  patronage. 

W.  W.   CLARK, 
Covington,  April  10,  1861.  Attorney  at  Law,  Covington,  Ga. 


From  A.  G.  Ware,  Esqr. 
I  have  had  ample  opportunity  to  know,  and  am  satisfied  beyond  doubt,  that 
Harrison  Berry  is  the  author  of  a  pamphlet  entitled  "  Slavery  and  Abolitionism,  as 
viewed  by  a  Georgia  Slave."  I  saw  the  original  manuscript,  and  have  read  the 
printed  work — they  are  identical.  I  have  known  Harrison  for  several  years,  and 
know  him  to  be  competent  to  write  such  a  work.  A.  G.  WARE, 

Agent  Macon  &  Western  Railroad,  Atlanta,  Ga. 


From  Rev.  Lewis  Laivshe. 

I  have  known  Harrison  Berry  since  1842.  I  knew  his  old  master,  the  late  Da- 
vid Berry,  and  all  of  the  family.  Harrison  has  all  the  time  been  a  good  servant. 
It  has  always  been  his  highest  ambition  to  do  his  duty  at  anything  his  master  set 
him  at.  Harrison  is  a  sensible  boy,  and  pretty  well  educated,  and  is,  without  a 
doubt,  the  bona  fide  author  of  the  pamphlet  entitled  "Slavery  and  Abolitionism,  as 
viewed  by  a  Georgia  Slave."  He  has  expressed  the  same  sentiments  to  me  in 
conversation,  that  are  set  forth  in  his  book,  saying  that  he  would  let  Fred  Douglass, 
and  other  Abolitionists,  know  that  the  slaves  of  the  South  were  not  fools  enough 
to  believe  that  they  were  benefitting  them,  or  even  intended  to  try  to  benefit  them. 
There  is  not  a  shadow  of  a  doubt,  in  my  mind,  but  what  Harrison  Berry  did  write 
the  above  named  book,  as  I  have  had  sufficient  opportunity  to  know  the  fact,  hav- 
ing been  acquainted  with  him  for  the  last  nineteen  years. 

It  would  be  well  for  every  Planter  to  obtain  a  copy  of  his  work,  and  read  it  to 
his  slaves.  LEWIS  LAWSHE. 

Atlanta,  Georgia,  April  18th,  1861. 


VI  CERTIFICATES. 

From  the  Banner  &  Baptist. 
"Abolition  and  Slavery,"  by  a  Slave. — This  pamphlet  is  now  going  on  its 
mission.  Many,  no  doubt,  would  be  pleased  to  see  it,  besides  those  who  have 
sent  their  orders.  The  work  bears  ample  evidence  of  having  been  written  entirely 
by  the  professed  author.  No  one  will  suppose  that  a  negro,  with  but  limited  ed- 
ucation, could  write  anything  like  a  model  work  on  such  a  subject.  But  Harrison 
Berry  has  done  well,  and  his  book  ought  to  be,  and  will  be  read.  We  think  no 
farmer  would  be  the  loser  to  read  it  to  his  negroes. 


From  the  Journal  of  Commerce,  Jr. 

The  Testimony  of  a  Slave. — We  have  received  from  Atlanta,  Georgia,  a  pam- 
phlet entitled  "Slavery  and  Abolitionism,"  written  by  a  negro  who  subscribes 
himself  "Harrison  Berry,  the  property  of  S.  W.  Price,  Covington,  Georgia."  This 
man  is  a  full  blooded  African,  forty-five  years  of  age,  and  learned  to  read  and 
write  while  employed  as  an  errand  boy  in  a  law  office.  He  has  since  been  a  hard 
student,  and  has  acquired  a  fair  amount  of  information.  This  pamphlet  is  pub- 
lished by  himself,  and  copy-righted  for  his  benefit  exclusively.  He  says  in  the 
preface:  "I  am  a  slave,  and  have  been  all  my  life,  and  therefore  claim  the  oppor- 
tunity, at  least,  of  knowing  what  Slavery  is,  and  what  it  is  not."  He  was  induced 
to  write  upon  the  subject  of  Slavery  from  a  firm  conviction  that  Abolitionist  agi- 
tators are  the  worst  enemies  of  the  slave. 

There  could  be  no  more  befitting  rebuke  to  the  Abolition  meddlers,  than  is 
conveyed  in  the  words  which  come  from  this  oppressed  subject  of  their  sympa- 
thy, who  is  "a  slave,"  and  "knows  what  slavery  is."  Moreover,  the  simple  facts 
noted  above,  are  evidence  sufficient  to  refute  the  assertion  that  the  slave  is  a 
down-trodden  creature,  kept  in  ignorance,  and  debarred  from  all  privileges.  But 
it  seems  he  is  able  to  speak  for  himself. 


From  the  Griffin  Union. 
Harrison  Berry. — We  have  just  finished  reading  a  pamphlet  from  the  pen 
of  this  personage.  We  know  Harrison,  and  know  him  to  be  a  Slave,  and  a  black 
one  at  that ;  and  although  the  matter  of  his  pamphlet  is  not  arranged  with  that 
perspicuity  and  system  that  would  mark  an  accomplished  writer,  there  are  truths 
told  by  Harrison  that  it  would  be  well  for  many  white  men,  and  all  black  ones, 
to  ponder  and  profit  by.  That  Slavery  is  the  proper  status  for  the  black  man,  no 
one  can  doubt,  who  will  properly  investigate  the  subject.  In  his  native  wilds  he 
is  a  savage,  with  no  hope  of  improvement.  A  free  man  among  white  people,  he 
is  inferior,  and  cannot  rise  to  a  level  with  his  neighbors,  and  has  all  his  work  to 
do  when  in  health,  under  disadvantages  that  few  can  overcome  ;  and,  when  sick, 
he  has  no  one  to  care  for  him ;  whilst  the  Slave  has  only  his  work  to  do  when  in 
health  with  all  the  advantages  his  masters  position  and  superior  management 
can  afford  him,  and,  when  sick,  his  master  is  bound  by  law  and  interest  to  pro- 
vide for  his  necessities.  And  it  is  true,  as  Harrison  says,  that  the  Abolitionists 
are  his  worst  enemies,  inasmuch  as  all  their  efforts  only  tend  to  draw  the  cords 
of  servitude  more  tightly  around  him,  and  deprive  him  of  many  indulgencies  that 
he  would  otherwise  enjoy. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Harrison  Berry,  the  author  of  these  pages,  was  born  in  Jones 
county,  Georgia,  November,  1816,  and  is  now  a  little  more  than 
forty-four  years  old.  He  was  born  a  Slave,  and  became  the  prop- 
erty of  Mr.  David  Berry,  but  was  given  to  his  daughter  as  a  part 
of  her  marriage  portion.  This  daughter  married  Mr.  S.  W.  Price, 
who,  in  turn,  became  the  owner  of  Harrison,  and  so  remains  at 
the  present  time.  Harrison  removed,  with  his  old  master,  David 
Berry,  to  Butts  county,  Georgia,  when  about  ten  years  old,  and 
was  placed  in  the  Law  Office  of  John  V.  Berry,  a  son  of  the  for- 
mer. His  business  was  to  wait  upon  his  young  master,  run  on 
errands,  go  to  the  Post  Office,  and  to  perform  other  like  service. 
These  employments  were  such  as  to  leave  a  good  deal  of  time  at 
his  own  disposal,  which  he  was  induced  to  improve  in  learning  to 
read  and  write. 

When  he  became  older  and  stronger,  he  was  put  to  work  on  the 
farm,  but  continued  to  improve  his  mind  by  reading  such  books  as 
were  furnished  him  by  the  younger  members  of  the  Berry  family ; 
so  that  by  the  time  he  had  grown  to  man's  estate,  he  had  made 
considerable  proficiency  in  History,  and  had  picked  up  a  fair  share 
of  general  information. 

At  the  present  time  he  is  engaged  in  the  business  of  Boot-ma- 
king. He  was  induced  to  write  upon  the  subject  of  Slavery  from 
a  firm  conviction  that  Abolitionist  agitators  are  the  worst  enemies 
of  the  Slave,  and  from  the  settled  opinion  that  Slavery  is  accord- 
ing to  the  Divine  Law.  He  believes,  furthermore,  that  Southern 
Slaves  are  in  a  much  better  condition  than  if  they  had  remained 
in  their  native  land,  and  this  opinion  has  been  formed  after  a  fair 
and  impartial  examination  of  the  subject  in  the  light  of  history, 
philosophy  and  religion.  While  the  work  has  imperfections,  (and 
what  human  work  has  not  ?)  still  the  reader  will  find  much  to  in- 
terest him  in  these  pages,  and  I  would  bespeak  for  the  author  a 
favorable  reception  of  his  little  offering  to  the  cause  of  Truth  and 
Justice.  H.  C.  HORN  AD  Y. 

Atlanta,  Georgia,  February  26,  1860. 


PREFACE. 


In  offering  this  address  to  the  public,  I  do  it  with  the  most 
profound  humility,  knowing  it  to  be  a  task  worthy  of  a  better 
learned  and  more  intelligent  writer  than  myself.  But  when  it  is 
taken  into  consideration,  the  cause  by  which  I  was  actuated  may 
be  an  excuse  for  my  presumption ;  for  I  am  a  Slave,  and  have  been 
all  my  life,  and,  therefore,  claim  the  opportunity,  at  least,  of  know- 
ing what  Slavery  is,  and  what  it  is  not.  And  in  showing  the  effect 
the  agitation  of  Slavery  has  upon  the  Slaves  generally,  I  have  en- 
deavored to  keep  within  the  boundaries  of  moderation,  unless 
forced  by  undoubted  facts  to  depart  therefrom.  In  speaking  of 
the  citizens  of  the  Northern  States,  I  have,  in  a  great  many  places, 
summed  them  all  up  together ;  but  my  intention  is  to  cast  no  re- 
flections, whatever,  upon  the  conservative  citizens  of  that  section. 
My  address  is  to  the  fanatical  Abolitionists,  who  call  themselves 
Republicans.  To  them,  and  them  alone,  have  I  written. 
Written  by  HARRISON  BERRY, 

The  property  of  S.  TV.  Price,  residing  in  Butts  county,  Georgia. 


TO  THE  PUBLIC. 


Covington,  July  7,  1860. 
Harbison  : — I  have  been  so  busily  engaged  that  I  could  not  re- 
ply to  your  first  letter.  By  this  letter  I  give  you  full  permission 
to  print  and  publish  your  MS.  I  presume  that  this  statement  will 
be  sufficient,  as  I  give  you  permission  to  use  this  letter  as  may 
best  suit  your  desire.     I  wish  you  success. 

S.  W.  PRICE. 


Harrison  is  the  property  of  Mr.  Price,  of  Butts  county,  Geor- 
gia ;  is  a  Shoemaker  by  trade,  and  has  been  steadily  employed  at 
his  trade  for  many  years.  In  the  latter  part  of  1853  he  was  em- 
ployed by  F.  M.  Eddleman  &  Bro.,  Shoe  dealers  in  this  city,  and 
remained  in  their  employ  for  several  years  afterwards,  with  some 
intermission.  As  I  was  one  of  that  firm,  and  actively  engaged  in 
the  business,  I  had  every  opportunity  to  become  acquainted  with 
his  sentiments,  and  to  judge  of  his  ability  to  express  himself  upon 
paper.  I  am  not  aware  when  and  where  he  learned  to  write,  but 
when  he  came  into  our  employ  he  could  write  legibly.  This 
pamphlet  was  written  under  most  unfavorable  circumstances,  and 
is,  as  I  know,  the  result  of  much  labor  on  his  part.  His  daily 
service  was  performed  in  the  Shoe-shop,  and  his  nights,  and  I 
might  add  Sundays,  were  devoted  to  reading  and  writing.  The 
original  manuscript  was  written,  for  the  most  part,  in  the  shop, 
and  as  conveniences  for  writing  are  not  usually  provided  in  such 
places,  the  lap-board  was  converted  into,  or,  at  least,  made  to 
serve  the  purpose  of  a  table.  I  frequently  found  Ins  manuscript 
in  the  shop,  and  would  sometimes  read  it,  as  a  matter  of  amuse- 
ment. As  I  saw  it  in  this  way,  it  was,  to  me,  quite  an  unconnect- 
ed affair.  Nevertheless,  in  its  chaotic  state,  the  ideas  intended  to 
be  conveyed  were  often  forcibly  and  truthfully  set  forth.  I  was 
not  aware,  until  1857,  that  he  had  any  notion  of  collecting  this 
matter  together  in  the  form  of  a  pamphlet,  and,  while  I  did  not 


4  TO    THE    PUBLIC. 

doubt  his  ability  to  do  so,  still  I  did  not,  at  that  time,  suppose  he 
would  do  so.  In  the  latter  part  of  1857,  however,  he  informed 
me  that  he  had  prepared  and  arranged  the  manuscript,  and  desired 
that  I  should  read  it.  I  did  so  hurriedly,  and  returned  it,  advising 
him  to  get  others  to  examine  it. 

The  original  manuscript  was,  however,  afterwards  sent  to  Col. 
Logan,  of  Griffin,  for  his  inspection,  and  while  in  his  possession 
was  destroyed  by  fire. 

In  1860,  Harrison  applied  to  me  again  to  examine  his  produc- 
tion, which  he  had  re-written,  and  made  some  additions.  I  read 
it  carefully,  and  wrote  him  that  there  were  some  errors  of  fact  in 
it  that  should  be  corrected  before  it  went  to  press.  He  after- 
wards informed  me  that  he  had  gone  over  it  and  had  made  the 
corrections  to  which  he  supposed  I  alluded,  and  thus  it  went  to 
the  press. 

I  will  not  merely  say  that  I  think  he  wrote  it,  for  I  can  safely 
say  that  I  know  him  to  be  the  author — the  sentiments  are  his  for 
I  have  heard  him  express  them  time  and  again,  long  before  I  ever 
dreamed  of  his  writing  a  book. 

Harrison  fully  understands  the  position  of  a  Slave,  and  has  uni- 
formly kept  himself  in  his  proper  place.  He  is  neither  insolent  or 
impudent,  but  humble  and  polite.  He  is  honest  aud  trustworthy, 
and  has  ever  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  those  who  know  him.  His 
complexion  is  fully  up  to  the  African  standard,  not  having,  I  sup- 
pose, a  particle  of  white  blood  in  his  veins.  He  says  he  was,  when 
a  boy,  the  blackest,  ugliest  little  negro  in  the  region,  and  was  fre- 
quently annoyed  by  travelers  stopping,  as  they  were  passing  the 
road,  to  comment  upon  his  extreme  color.  He  has  been,  and  is 
yet,  a  hard  student ;  has  read  a  great  deal,  and  his  reading  has 
been  varied. 

While  in  the  employ  of  my  brother  and  myself  he  read  JosepJms, 
and  compared  it  minutely  with  Sacred  History.  He  reads  for  in- 
formation, and  not  for  amusement,  and  always  put  forth  his  great- 
est eflort  to  understand  his  subject. 

His  hate  for  an  Abolitionist  is  supreme,  and  when  expressing 
his  contempt  for  them,  generally  exhausts  the  vocabulary  of  ad- 
jectives at  his  command.  At  first  I  thought  this  strange,  and  had 
my  doubts  as  to  his  sincerity.  But  now  I  have  no  doubt  on  that 
point.  I  have  heard  him  give  his  reasons  frequently,  and  consider 
them  forcible  and  good.  He  has  remarked  to  me  often,  when  ap- 
plying for  a  pass,  that  the  privileges  of  Slaves  had  been  curtailed 


BBC 

.41. 


.*£*• 


TO    THE    PUBLIC.  5 

on  account  of  the  foolish  interference  of  Abolitionists.  He  thinks 
that  but  for  this  interference  of  Abolitionists,  Slaves  would  be  al- 
lowed all  the  privileges  they  are  capable  of  enjoying.  He  thinks 
Slavery  is  the  proper  condition  for  the  negro,  resulting  in  more 
happiness  than  nominal  freedom.  He  has  often  remarked  in  my 
hearing,  that  there  was  no  such  a  thing  as  a  free  negro  in  this 
country,  (meaning  the  whole  country.) 

His  pamphlet  is  published  by  himself,  copy-righted  for  his  ben- 
efit, and  the  profits  from  its  sale,  should  any  arise,  will  be  his.  I 
cheerfully  commend  it  to  the  public,  believing  that  it  should  be 
liberally  patronized.  The  time  he  has  devoted  to  writing  his 
book,  is  generally  occupied  by  other  Slaves  in  making  their  pocket 
change. 

A.  M.  EDDLEMAN". 

Atlanta,  Georgia,  February  26,  1861. 


SLAVERY  AND  ABOLITIONISM. 


Having,  for  several  yeai's,  viewed  the  agitation  of  the  question 
of  Slavery  to  be  an  evil  dangerous  and  highly  detrimental  to  the 
common  good,  and  particularly  that  of  the  South,  I  was  moved, 
in  1857,  to  write  an  address  to  the  Abolition  party,  showing,  as 
plainly  as  I  could,  the  inconsistency  of  their  proceedings.  I  gave 
it  to  the  editor  of  the  "Empire  State,"  at  Griffin,  after  it  had  been 
examined  by  gentlemen  of  Atlanta,  Covington  and  ISTewnan  ;  but 
its  being  consumed  in  the  late  conflagration  in  Griffin,  necessitates 
me  to  write  another.  Seeing  my  views  forcibly  exemplified  in  the 
late  treason  at  Harper's  Ferry  may  be  a  guarantee  to  me,  granted 
by  all  conservative  men,  the  privilege  of  addressing  them  again. 
This  privilege  might  be  more  readily  admitted,  when  you  take  into 
consideration  that  I  am  one  of  those  tvhorn  the  Abolitionists  pre- 
tend to  be  helping. 

I  will  now  examine  what  this  monster  is — this  seven-headed, 
ten-horned  beast.  It  seems  to  be  one  of  considerable  power,  for 
it  now  threatens  the  dissolution  of  a  Union  formed  by  men  who 
are  not  paralleled  by  any  that  have  graced  the  annals  of  history. 
"Well,  then,  if  this  Union  was  so  dearly  obtained,  it  then  follows 
that  its  citizens  ought,  of  all  things,  to  love  and  cherish  it.  And 
one  who  does  not  do  it,  is  unfaithful  to  his  country ;  but  one  who 
seeks  to  disturb  its  peace,  while  it  is  endeavoring  to  deal,  with  an 
impartial  hand,  to  each  constituent,  the  portion  designed  him  by 
the  Constitution,  is  a  traitor  of  the  deepest  dye. 

Yet,  we  find  men  doing  it.  And  for  what  ?  For  nothing  but 
because  the  people  of  one  section  of  the  country  wish  to  engage 
in  a  branch  of  business  which  would  not  be  profitable  to  those  of 
the  other,  notwithstanding  it  is  as  lawful  a  branch  of  business  as 
that  of  manufacturing — the  Constitution  granting  them,  each,  the 
same  protection.  Nevertheless,  they  claim  it  to  be  unlawful;  and 
when  it  is  shown  to  be  both  Constitutional  and  lawful,  they  then, 
being  left  no  other  alternative,  flee  from  that  to  the  Higher  Law 
— which  I  intend  to  discuss  in  its  proper  place. 


8  SLA. VERT    AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

Kind  reader,  I  expect,  by  this  time,  you  would  like  to  hear  what 
that  question  is.  I  answer,  Slavery.  Well,  let  us  see  what 
Slavery  is.  An  eminent  writer  says :  "A  Slave,  in  the  ordinary 
sense  of  the  term,  is  an  individual  at  the  absolute  disposal  of  an- 
other, who  has  a  right  to  employ  him  and  treat  him  as  he  pleases." 
But  let  us  see  what  he  says  after  this.  Hear  him :  "  But  the  state 
of  Slavery  is  susceptible  of  numerous  modifications ;  and  it  has 
been  usual,  in  most  countries  where  it  has  been  long  established, 
to  limit,  in  various  ways,  the  power  of  the  master  over  the  Slave." 
You  see,  this  eminent  writer  talks  like  a  book. 

Kind  reader,  I  now  beg  you  to  bear  with  me  a  little,  while  I 
discuss,  in  a  very  abridged  manner,  the  origin  of  Slavery.  It 
seems  that  an  authentic  account  of  the  origin  of  Slavery  is  hard 
to  get  hold  of.  The  best  to  be  found  is  only  probable  ;  and  I 
think  the  most  probable  conjecture  is,  that  it  grew  out  of  a  state 
of  war.  The  captives  taken  in  war,  in  ancient  times,  seem  to  have 
belonged  to  the  victors  ;  and  these  they  had  the  exclusive  right  to 
treat  as  they  pleased.  And  it  was  the  custom  of  the  Africans  to 
put  to  death  all  that  could  not  be  advantageously  enslaved,  centu- 
ries before  it  existed  in  any  part  of  Europe  or  America.  It  is  not 
only  in  Africa  we  find  Slavery  existing  centuries  ago,  but  in  the 
midst  of  the  chosen  people  of  God  ;  for  it  was  the  law  in  Judea 
for  the  parents  to  sell  their  children.  So  it  was  in  Rome.  And  it 
did  not  stop  at  that ;  for  if  a  citizen  got  in  debt  over  what  he  was 
able  to  pay,  he  was  taken  and  sold  for  the  same.  So  we  see  Slave- 
ry existing  thousands  of  years  ago. 

But  let  us  see  where  and  when  it  commenced  with  us.  We  find 
that  in  1442,  the  Portuguese  commenced  the  traffic.  It  was,  how- 
ever, of  trifling  extent,  until  the  sixteenth  century,  when,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  rapid  destruction  of  the  Indians  employed  in  the 
mines  of  St.  Domingo  or  Hayti,  that  Charles  V.  authorized,  in 
1517,  the  introduction  into  the  island  of  African  Slaves,  from  the 
establishment  of  the  Portuguese  on  the  coast  of  Guinea.  The  im- 
portation of  Africans  once  begun,  it  rapidly  spread  itself  over 
Europe  and  America.  Sir  John  Hawkins  was  the  first  English- 
man who  engaged  in  it ;  and  such  was  the  ardor  of  our  country- 
men engaged  in  it,  that  they  exported,  from  Africa,  over  300,000 
Slaves  between  the  years  1G80  and  1700  ;  and,  between  1700  and 
1786,  610,000  Africans  were  imported  into  Jamaica;  and,  adding 
those  imported  into  other  continental  colonies,  and  those  shipped 
to  the  other  Islands,  the  quantity  must  have  been  immense. 


RBf 


SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  9 

The  same  writer  says:  "But  those  who  inquire  dispassionately 
into  the  subject,  will  come  to  the  conclusion,  that,  instead  of  be- 
ing injured,  the  Slaves  have  gained  by  being  carried  from  the 
New  to  the  Old  World." 

Let  us  see  what  he  says  next.  He  says :  "  Speaking  generally, 
the  Negroes  are  in  the  lowest  state  of  abandonment,  possessing 
merely  the  rudiments  of  the  most  indispensable  arts — a  prey  to 
the  vilest  superstition  and  tyranny,  without  any  tincture  of  learn- 
ing, and  with  little  or  no  regard  for  the  future.  The  circumstan- 
ces under  which  they  are  placed  in  their  native  land  may,  perhaps 
account  for  the  low  state  in  which  we  find  them.  But,  however 
explained,  the  genuine  Negroes  of  Africa  are  admitted,  even  by 
those  least  inclined  to  depreciate  them,  to  be,  for  the  most  part, 
either  ferocious  savages,  or  stupid,  sensual  and  indolent." 

So,  we  see  what  he  says ;  but  I  shall  not  stop  to  comment  on 
that  now,  but  will  notice  it  in  its  proper  place. 

Kind  reader,  I  will  now  jump  over  the  years  from  1786  to  1794, 
and  see  what  Congress  thought  of  Slavery  at  that  time. 

By  the  Act  of  March  22, 1794,  the  Slave  Trade  was  prohibited. 
The  Act  of  May  10,  1800,  applied  to  foreigners  residing  in  the 
United  States,  and  forbid  citizens  being  engaged  in  foreign  ships 
in  the  Slave  Trade.  By  the  Act  of  March  2,  1807,  vessels  with 
Slaves  on  board  were  to  be  forfeited — the  naval  forces  to  be  em- 
ployed to  enforce  the  Act.  By  the  Act  of  April  20,  1818,  the 
importation  of  Negroes,  or  persons  of  color,  to  be  held  to  service 
or  labor,  was  prohibited.  By  Act  of  March  3,  1819,  the  naval 
ships  would  send  to  the  United  States,  for  confiscation,  any  ships 
detected  in  the  Slave  Trade ;  and  a  bounty  was  offered,  of  $25,  for 
each  Negro  captured  and  delivered  to  the  United  States  Marshal. 
By  Act  of  May  15,  1820,  the  Slave  Trade  was  declared  to  be  pi- 
racy ;  and  any  citizen  detected  in  the  Trade  should  suffer  death. 
By  the  Act  of  September  20, 1850,  the  Slave  Trade  in  the  District 
of  Columbia  was  prohibited ;  no  Slaves  to  be  brought  into  the 
District  for  sale  as  merchandize,  and  all  Slave  depots  to  be  broken 
up. 

Now,  it  does  look  to  me  like  Congress  was  working  at  the  abo- 
lition of  Slavery  the  right  way,  and  the  only  way  it  can  ever  be 
accomplished.  For  Slavery  might  be  abolished  in  the  States  for 
awhile,  but  if  it  were  not  stopped  at  its  source,  it  would  only 
break  through  with  tenfold  velocity.  It  would  inevitably  diffuse 
itself  throughout  the  world  in  such  a  manner  that  it  would  be 


10  SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

next  to  impossible  to  ever  stop  its  progress,  or  mitigate  its  effects. 
But  these  Northern  agitators  of  Slavery  were  not  satisfied  with 
the  proceedings  of  Congress  on  the  subject.  They,  I  suppose,  in- 
tended to  abolish  it  in  the  States  first,  and  then  march  their  forces 
to  the  Atlantic,  and  embark  them  on  board  of  canoes,  and  take 
the  vessels  on  the  high  seas  engaged  in  the  Slave  Trade,  and  bring 
them  to  taw,  too!  These  would-be-called  philanthropists  seemed 
to  have  forgotten  the  old  maxim  that,  "if  you  wish  to  find  the 
spring,  go  to  the  head  of  the  branch ;"  for  they  could  stop  the 
boil,  and  then  the  strength  of  the  current  would  be  greatly  miti- 
gated. But  their  discrimination  seems  to  be  quite  limited.  Had 
it  not  been,  they  could  have  seen,  long  ago,  that  the  agitation  of 
Slavery  put  a  manacle  on  the  hands  of  every  Slave  south  of  Mason 
and  Dixon's  Line.  But  I  don't  think  they  cared  for  that.  The 
Sacred  Scriptures,  by  which  they  pretend  to  be  governed,  would 
have  taught  them,  at  a  mere  glimpse,  that  to  preserve  peace  in  a 
country,  even  at  a  sacrifice,  was  the  best  mode  of  sustaining  their 
country. 

I  will  simply  point  out  a  few  passages  of  the  Scripture,  by  ob- 
servation, and  not  by  the  letter,  as  they  will  be  perfectly  under- 
stood by  ten-year  old  boys,  familiar  with  the  Bible.  It  is  well 
known  that  the  New  Testament  teaches  peace — peace — peace — 
prosperity  and  happiness,  from  the  first  of  Matthew  to  the  end  of 
Revelations  ;  and  that,  too,  in  one  uninterrupted  chain  of  admo- 
nition. We  see  Slavery  in  Judea  long  before  the  coming  of 
Christ,  for  we  see  it  in  Abraham's  daye.  He  had  some  three  hun- 
dred born  in  his  own  house ;  and,  certainly,  if  they  were  born  in 
his  own  house,  they  must  have  been  his.  And  if  it  had  been  a  sin 
in  the  sight  of  God  and  His  angels,  Abraham,  being  a  righteous 
man,  conversing  with  and  entertaining  angels  directly  from  Heav- 
en, would,  it  is  very  likely,  have  been  very  severely  rebuked  for 
having  those  illegal  servants,  and  requiring  them  to  wait  on  and 
serve  the  angels,  while  they  dined  in  his  house.  But  this  is  but 
one  of  hundreds  of  instances  of  the  like  character.  But,  coming 
down  to  the  Christian  era,  we  find  it  more  fully  developed  ;  for  it 
was  not  an  angel,  but  God  Himself  saw  it,  was  among  it,  toler- 
ated it,  and  supported  it,  in,  and  by,  the  teachings  of  His  sublime 
Gospel.  For  He  was  willing  for  Caesar  to  have  his,  and  God  His. 
"We  see,  then,  that  Christ  did  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  cause  to 
be  restored  to  its  rightful  owner  the  penny  with  the  image  of  Cae- 
sar, that  Pagan  usurper,  that  idol-worshiper,  who  would  compel 


SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  11 

whole  nations  to  adore  his  wicked  and  polluted  idols.  This  wick- 
ed monarch's  image  we  see  thus  acknowledged  by  Christ  Himself; 
to  be  honored,  rather  than  disturb  the  peace  of  the  people.  And 
how  much  more  ought  it  to  be  the  duty  of  a  wicked  and  rebelli- 
ous set  of  Abolitionists  to  render  unto  the  South  her  rights?  We 
see  the  Apostles  teaching  peace  all  through  the  New  Testament. 
"We  see,  in  the  Epistles,  they  exhort  Servants  to  be  obedient  to 
their  masters ;  and  not  only  in  words  do  we  hud  this,  but  in  all 
their  practice.  For,  on  one  occasion,  when  a  Slave  had  run  away 
from  his  master,  and  went  to  Paul,  he  does  not  hesitate  a  moment, 
but  sends  him  back  to  his  lawful  owner.  This  shows  that  Christ 
and  the  Apostles  had  quite  a  different  view  of  Slavery  to  that  of 
our  modern  factionists  of  the  United  States. 

I  might  enlarge  on  this  question  in  this  place,  had  I  tune  and 
space ;  but,  as  I  shall  have  to  recur  to  the  Sacred  Writings  again, 
in  the  course  of  this  address,  I  will  leave  it  for  the  present. 

We  will  now  examine  some  of  the  leading  principles  of  the 
Abolition  party  It  is  not  that  I  am  opposed  to  freedom,  that  ac- 
tuates me  to  address  them  in  the  manner  "which  I  do,  for  I  believe 
it  to  be  one  of  the  greatest  blessings  earthly,  when  not  contami- 
nated with  fanatical  dispositions.  But  rather  would  I  die,  were  I 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  than  to  disturb  the  peace,  or  act  in 
any  way  that  would  be  detrimental  to  the  onward  progress  and 
prosperity  of  my  country.  For,  of  all  the  Governments  that  now 
exist,  or  have  ever  existed,  this  perhaps  is  the  least  contaminated 
with  injustice — the  Constitution  granting  to  every  native  born,  or 
adopted  citizen,  the  freedom  of  speech,  and  the  power,  at  the  bal- 
lot-box, of  making  their  own  laws  to  be  governed  by.  What  a 
lesson  it  ought  to  be  to  the  American  citizen,  to  view  four-fifths  of 
Europe  and  Asia  having  no  more  power  to  make  the  laws  by  which 
they  are  governed  than  the  Slaves  of  this  country  who  are  not  cit- 
izens !  I  sometimes  think  that  a  man  living  in,  and  enjoying,  the 
many  advantages  this  country  has  over  others,  and  who  would  act 
with  a  party  that  is  endeavoring  to  frustrate  the  conservative  ones, 
ought  to  be  denounced  as  a  traitor,  and  excluded  from  all  public 
trust,  from  the  simple  fact  that  he  would  prostitute  all  the  power 
guaranteed  to  him  in  his  office ;  and  consequently,  is  no  longer 
worthy  of  public  confidence.  In  this  land  of  Republican  freedom, 
•such  a  character  is,  of  all  citizens,  the  most  dangerous.  The  man- 
agement of  the  Government  being  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  it  is 
•emphatically  their  duty  to  brand  with  infamy  any  person,  or  per- 


12  SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

sons,  who  would  presume  to  rebel  against  the  great  Constitutional 
compact ;  that  others  might  know  the  consequences  of  entering- 
into  a  like  rebellion.  But,  yet,  we  have  some  such,  standing  in 
the  first  positions  within  the  gift  of  the  people.  And  how  do  they 
get  there  ?  I  answer,  by  deceiving  and  gulling  the  great  masses- 
of  the  people ;  that  is  how  they  get  there.  Let  every  man  give 
to  his  children  the  best  education  he  can  afford,  and  the  natural 
capacity  of  the  child  is  capable  of  receiving  ;  and  let  the  parents 
instil  into  their  bosoms  the  importance  of  the  Union  of  the  States, 
and  the  preservation  of  peace  and  harmony.  Thus  educated  and 
instructed,  while  a  child,  it  would  be  as  hard  to  erase  it  from  his 
heart  as  to  mar  the  natural  form  of  his  body ;  and,  in  a  few  years 
you  would  have  a  majority  that  could,  and  would,  defy  all  the  fa- 
naticism that  could  be  engendered  by  the  whole  combined  Aboli- 
tion faction.  We  have  no  cause  to  complain  of  the  hard  tried 
Editors  of  true  patriotism.  God  knows  they  have  had  every 
thing  to  contend  with.  It  matters  not  how  wide  may  be  the  views 
of  conservative  Editors  on  questions  of  internal  improvement, 
taxes,  tariffs,  or  any  other  question  of  policy.  Whenever  the 
rights  guaranteed  to  them  by  the  true  patriots  of  '76  is  encroach- 
ed upon,  they  present  one  solid  phalanx,  and  drive  back  the  op- 
posers  of  their  liberties.  These  are  they  who  stand  on  watch,  as 
sentinels,  for  the  main  army  of  occupation.  These  are  the  ones 
who  sit  on  the  towers  on  the  walls,  and  when  they  see  danger, 
cry  with  a  loud  voice,  "To  arms,  to  arms !"  But  what  must  I  say 
about  the  fanatical  Editors  '?  Can  I  say  they  are  not  designedly 
deceiving  their  followers  ?  Don't  they  know  that  the  old  hobby 
horse  is  down  long  ago  ?  Don't  they  know  that  the  one  they  now 
have  in  the  field  is  the  same  old  horse,  and  that  everybody  knows- 
the  old  fellow's  make,  notwithstanding  they  have  rubbed  vitriol  all 
over  him,  and  have  changed  his  color  ?  You  had  just  as  well  turn 
the  old  fellow  out  to  grass,  for  he's  broken  down — he  never  had 
any  bottom  at  first.  But,  say  you,  we  have  never  had  a  fair  chance, 
from  the  fact  that  we  never  had  a  rider  until  the  last  race. 

Kind  reader,  I  must  now  stop  nonsense,  and  proceed  to  facts. 
In  the  first  place,  I  should  like  to  know  for  what  purpose  the  Ab- 
olitionists oppose  Slavery  ?  Secondly,  I  should  like  to  know  what 
advantage  it  is,  or  can  be,  to  them '?  If  they  don't  wish  to  specu- 
late in  some  way  or  other,  why  are  they  so  sensitive  on  the  subject 
of  Slavery?  The  agitation  excludes  them  entirely  from  a  religious 
design,  as  I  have  shown  above.     For,  without  that  peaceful  and 


SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  13 

philanthropical  principle  taught  by  Christ  and  His  Apostles,  no 
genuine  religion  can  exist.  It  would  be  better  for  them,  if  they 
are  acting  on  religious  principles,  to  suffer  wrong  for  the  preserv- 
ation of  peace,  than  to  exact  their  rights  at  the  expense  of  dis- 
turbances. This  is  plainly  proven  by  Holy  Writ,  when  it  says, 
"Blessed  is  the  peacemaker."  Well,  then,  tell  me  what  business 
have  you  with  Slavery?  It  is  known,  by  all  sensible  men,  that  it 
existed  before  the  formation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  Government;  and  if  it  was  tolerated  then,  it  must,  without 
a  change  in  that  instrument,  be  so  now.  You  call  yourselves  Re- 
publicans ;  and  if  you  are,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word,  you  are 
compelled  to  abide  by  its  teachings  ;  and  if  governed  by  its  teach- 
ings, you  must  necessarily  be  governed  by  the  teachings  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  Its  decisions  are  the  laws  of  the  land.  It  can- 
not be  said  that  you  are  so  ignorant  as  to  believe  that  you  are 
benefitting  the  Slaves,  for  you  are  an  educated  class  of  gentlemen, 
who  take  the  Southern  papers,  and  are  thereby  enabled  to  see  and 
read  for  yourselves,  that  the  Slaves  are  much  worse  treated  when 
that  question  is  agitated.  My  dear  sirs,  upon  you  and  your  heads 
will  cry  more  blood  than  any  planter,  or  planters,  of  the  South  ; 
for  when  the  masters  and  Slaves  are  getting  on  just  as  well  as 
they  wish  to,  you  commence  your  infernal  agitations.  The  mas- 
ter goes  to  town,  he  gets  his  paper,  he  reads  that  the  Abolition 
party  is  making  a  great  to-do  about  freeing  the  Slaves ;  he  becomes 
sullen,  contrary  and  ill ;  he  goes  to  the  field,  and  if  the  least  thing 
is  wrong,  he  is  in  the  right  humor  for  a  fuss  ;  he  accuses  the  Slave 
of  idleness ;  the  Slave  commences  quarreling  ,  the  master  makes 
at  him ;  the  Slave  -perhaps  runs  away ;  he  is  caught,  and  then 
made  to  feel  the  anger  of  a  master  goaded  to  madness  by  the  of- 
ficious intermeddling  and  hypocritical  sympathy  of  a  people  wTho 
neither  understand,  nor  wish  to  understand,  his  true  position  or 
his  interest.  And  for  what  ?  Simply  because  the  Abolitionist  is 
endeavoring  to  take  the  property  of  a  half  century's  hard  labor, 
and  leave  the  poor  old  man  without  a  Slave,  who  had  invested  the 
last  cent  he  had  in  Slaves ;  and  now  the  Abolitionists  are  endeav- 
oring to  take  them  from  him,  and  leave  him  penniless.  Now,  to 
say  that  this  is  a  general  thing,  I  haA^e  no  intention  of  doing ;  but 
that  such  a  state  of  things  has  happened,  under  my  observation,  is 
without  a  doubt.  And,  as  I  have  said  above,  speaking  of  Con- 
gress legislating  on  the  Slave  Trade,  if  you  intend  to  find  the 
spring,  go  to  the  head  of  the  branch.     Now,  if  our  masters   were 


14  SLAVEEY    AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

allowed  to  enjoy  the  property  acquired  by  the  toils  of  so  many 
years,  in  peace  and  safety,  what  do  you  suppose  Avould  be  the  re- 
lation between  master  and  Slave  ?  I  need  not  add,  that  the  use 
(disconnected  with  the  abuse)  of  Slavery  is  not  a  sin.  So  your 
fanatical  factions,  causing  the  abuse,  become  the  primary  oppress- 
ors  of  the  Slaves.  Yes,  indeed,  you  are  absolutely  the  worst  ene- 
my the  Slave  has  ever  had  to  encounter  with  yet,  and,  I  hope,  ever 
may  have.  But  the  present  state  of  things  is  nothing  to  what  it 
would  be,  if  you  were  permitted  to  carry  out  your  pernicious 
proceedings,  now  being  organized  under  the  name  of  Republican- 
ism. But  I  will  recur  to  that  when  I  have  done  with  the  States. 
Now,  as  the  master  waits  all  night  for  the  return  of  the  Slave  that 
has  run  away  from  him,  seeing,  in  the  morning,  he  is  absent,  he 
goes  over  to  his  neighbor's  house,  and  asks  him  to  look  out  for 
him.  Says  he,  "I  went  to  town  yesterday  after  my  paper,  and 
when  I  had  gotten  it,  I  saw  a  statement  of  the  organization  of  an 
Abolition  Convention,  resolving  that  Slavery  was  a  sin,  and  a  re- 
proach upon  any  free  people,  and  that  they  would  never  desist 
from  its  agitation,  until  they  had  eradicated  the  last  string  that 
bound  it  to  the  country.  I,  of  course,  became  somewhat  grum 
when  I  saw  it ;  and,  on  going  to  the  field,  after  getting  home,  in 
that  grum  state,  I,  perhaps,  might  have  been  too  much  vexed  to 
have  judged  correctly  the  amount  of  work^that  should  have  been 
done.  I,  at  any  rate,  thought  they  had  not  done  enough,  and 
scolded  Tom  for  not  having  done  more;  he  commenced  muttering, 
which  only  added  fuel  to  the  fire  already  kindled  within  me ;  so  I 
was  in  a  bad  fix  to  take  his  insolence,  and  made  at  him,  when  he 
ran  away.  I  would  like  to  get  hold  of  him,  for  if  any  of  those 
Abolitionists  should  happen  to  get  hold  of  him,  they  would  carry 
him  off." 

Now,  let  us  hear  the  consolation  of  his  neighbor.  He  says  : 
uYes;  and  let  me  tell  you  what  happened  at  my  house  last  Sun- 
day. As  I  was  going  to  the  lot,  I  saw  my  Bob  have  a  newspaper, 
reading  very  attentively ;  and,  on  going  to  him,  and  asking  him 
to  let  me  see  it,  I  found  that  he  was  reading  the  paper  that  had 
the  very  same  proceeding*  of  that  Convention  of  the  Abolition- 
ists you  were  speaking  of.  So  I  lurked  around  my  negroes'  hous- 
es that  night,  to  see  if  I  could  hear  Bob  say  anything  about  the 
Convention  to  the  other  negroes ;  and,  sure  enough  I  did,  for  I 
heard  him  tell  them  that  they  would  not  be  Slaves  much  longer, 
for  the  Abolition  party  intended  to  set  them  all  free,  at  the  risk  of 


SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  15 

their  lives.  He  was  going  on  at  a  terrible  rate  ;  and,  on  peeping 
through  a  crack,  I  saw  two  of  Mr.  Jones'  boys  there  too.  So  I 
slipped  back  to  the  house,  and  thought  I  would  watch  their  ma- 
noeuvres the  next  morning;  and  when  morning  came,  I  found  them 
to  be  dull,  careless,  and  very  slothful.  So  I  took  them  up,  and 
whipped  every  one  of  them,  and  gave  Bob  two  hundred  lashes ; 
then  I  got  on  my  horse  and  rode  over  to  Mr.  Jones',  and  told  him 
what  I  had  heard  Bob  say  in  the  presence  of  his  two  boys,  and 
what  I  had  done  to  mine.  He  called  up  his  two  boys  and  whip- 
ped them  too.  So  you  see  how  the  thing  is  shaping.  We  must 
have  our  property  protected  against  this  diabolical  set  of  Aboli- 
tionists, and  our  Legislatures  must  give  us  more  power  over  our 
Slaves.  And  any  man  that  will  not  agree  to  make  the  laws  more 
binding  on  Slaves,  can't  get  my  vote,  nor  any  one  else  that  I  can 
in  the  least  influence." 

Thus,  they  extort  from  their  candidates  a  promise  to  legislate 
on  the  laws  regulating  the  privileges  of  Slaves.  The  question  is 
argued  before  the  House,  and,  in  the  course  of  their  argument, 
this  circumstance  of  Bob's  reading  the  paper  is  fully  detailed,  and 
hence  proceeds  the  law  prohibiting  Slaves  to  be  taught  to  read  in 
this  State.  Now,  it  is  not  all  astonishing  to  me  to  see  this  law  so 
vigorously  enforced,  when  aided  by  such  an  allied  army  of  fiends 
as  you  Abolitionists  are. 

Well,  kind  reader,  leaving  the  States,  we  will  take  a  short  view 
of  the  modern  party  that  call  themselves  Republicans.  They 
deny  the  name  of  Abolitionists,  and  call  themselves  the  only  true 
Republican  party  now  existing,  who,  consequently,  must  be  right. 
But  when  we  view  the  treason  of  John  Brown  at  Harper's  Ferry, 
we  must  beg  leave  to  pause  for  a  moment,  at  least.  But  think  not 
that  I  shall  undertake  to  detail  the  attempt  of  Brown's  treason, 
for. that  would  be  more  than  I  could  do,  had  I  the  wisdoni  of  a 
Solomon,  the  expertness  of  a  Byron  or  the  discrimination  of  a 
Webster.  The  horror  lying  at  the  bottom  of  that  attempt  is  more 
than  I  could  describe.  All  I  could  say  would  not  change  its  posi- 
tion before  the  people.  My  nerves  would  not  suffer  me  to  write 
it  down,  were  I  calculated  to  do  so.  Therefore,  I  can  give  you 
nothing  but  my  imagination.  I  can  imagine  that  I  see  gibbets  all 
over  the  Slave-holding  States,  with  negroes  stretched  upon  them 
like  slaughtered  hogs,  and  pens  of  lightwood  on  fire  !  Methinks 
I  hear  their  screams — I  can  see  them  upon  their  knees,  begging, 
for  God's  sake,  to  have  mercy.     I  can  see  them  chained  together 


16  SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

by  scores,  and  shot  down  like  wild  beasts.  These  are  but  shad- 
ows to  what  would  have  been  done,  had  John  Brown  succeeded 
in  his  plan  of  getting  up  a  rebelllion  among  the  Slaves.  Yet, 
these  gentlemen  say  they  have  nothing  to  do  with  Slavery  in  the 
States.  It  would  be  hard  to  give  you  a  correct  account  of  these 
fanatics,  were  I  not  in  possession  of  the  Inaugural  Address  of  the 
Governor  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  delivered  January  9,  1860.  I  take 
it  for  granted  that  he  must  be  a  leading  character  of  the  would-be- 
called  Republican  party,  by  his  majority.  I  shall  detail  what  he 
says  on  the  Slavery  question — i.  e.,  the  most  prominent  points ; 
and  I  shall,  at  the  same  time,  offer  an  abridged  commentation 
throughout  the  address. 

Hear  him.  He  says:  "On  the  subject  of  Slavery,  the  people  of 
this  State  occupy  no  equivocal  position."  (All  hands  and  the 
cook  Abolitionists.)  "They  reject  the  modern  dogma,  that  Slave- 
ry is  essential  to  Republics,  that  such  systems  must  fail  without  it, 
and  that  Slavery  must  be  extended  and  perpetuated  to  extend  and 
perpetuate  our  form  of  Government."  But,  in  opposition  to  it, 
they  have  deliberately  declared  "that,  in  their  judgment,  Slavery 
is  a  pernicious  wrong,  and  that  patriotism  and  humanity  unite  in 
demanding  their  resistance  to  its  extension  into  any  free  Territory, 
now,  or  that  may  be  owned  by  the  United  States." 

See  what  he  says  next :  "They  deny  the  binding  authority  of 
the  dictum  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  asserting 
a  right  of  property  in  one  man  over  another,  as  a  fundamental 
principle,  and  making  the  Federal  Constitution  the  instrument  of 
rendering  it  universal,  as  not  limited  to  the  reach  of  the  local  pow- 
er which  created  the  relation  of  master  and  Slave  ;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  we  declare  that  the  idea  that  there  could  be  property  in 
men  was  expressly  excluded  from  the  Constitution;  which  contains 
no  such  words  as  Slave,  or  Slavery,  in  any  of  its  provisions,  and  in 
which  every  clause  construed,  or  that  can  be  construed,  as  refer- 
ring to  Slavery,  regards  it  as  the  creature  of  State  legislation,  and 
dependent  wholly  upon  State  legislation  for  its  existence  and  con- 
tinuance." 

Now,  let  us  see  what  this  means.  He  calls  the  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  a  dictum,  which,  if  his  party  had  made,  he  would 
have  called  a  dictus  !  He  don't  think  it  right  to  abide  by  it ; 
notwithstanding  it  was  referred  to  that  Court,  and  owns  to  its 
authority  to  decide.  He  wants  the  Territories  shaped  in  such  a 
manner  that  he  can  carry  his  hogs  there,  but  don't  want  a  South- 


SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  17 

erner  to  carry  his  slaves  there.     He  don't  .want  Slavery  to  be  tol- 
erated, because  the  Constitution  don't  say  Slave  or  Slavery. 

"  They  deny  that  the  Constitution  guarantees  to  the  Slavehold- 
ing  States  any  other  than  their  local  rights,  in  connection  with  the 
use  of  Slavery,  but  such  as  it  expressly  declares  :  First,  that  the 
Foreign  Slave  Trade  should  not  be  abolished  before  1808  ;  second, 
that  any  law  or  regulation  which  any  State  might  establish  in  favor 
of  Freedom,  should  not  impair  the  legal  remedy  supposed  at  the 
time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  to  exist  by  Common 
Law  for  the  reception,  by  legal  process,  in  such  States,  of  Fugi- 
tives from  labor  or  service,  escaping  from  other  States ;  and,  third, 
that  three-fifths  of  all  Slaves  should  be  counted,  in  settling  the 
basis  of  representation  in  the  several  States.  Beyond  these,  the 
framers  of  the  Constitution  intended  to  make  no  peculiar  conces- 
sions to  the  Slave-holding  States,  and  these  were  made  because 
they  had  a  Union  of  the  States  to  create ;  and,  to  their  ardent 
and  generous  minds,  the  voluntary  removal  of  Slavery  by  the 
actions  of  the  States  themselves,  without  Federal  interference, 
seemed  not  only  cei-tain  but  close  at  hand.  The  people  of  Ohio 
have  farther  declared  that  in  their  opinion,  the  people  of  a  Terri- 
tory have  no  power  under  the  Constitution,  or  from  any  other 
legal  source,  to  establish  Slavery  as  one  of  their  institutions  du- 
ring their  Territorial  existence ;  that  the  exercise  of  such  a  power 
would  be  a  manifest  usurpation  of  the  individual  rights  of  the 
citizens  of  the  Territories,  and  utterly  subversive  of  all  popular 
sovereignty,  which  demands,  as  a  primary  essential  condition,  the 
recognition  of  inalienable  personal  rights.  They  insist,  also,  that 
coupled  with  the  power  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit,  by 
express  enactment,  the  extension  of  slavery  into  any  Free  Terri- 
tory of  the  United  States — that  the  exercise  of  this  power  has 
been  repeatedly  approved  of  by  every  department  of  the  State 
and  National  Government,  and  to  the  universal  acceptance  of  the 
people,  and  that  its  recognition  as  a  fundamental  principle  to  be 
hereafter  exercised,  whenever  occasion  may  be  presented,  is  indis- 
pensable to  restore  the  simplicity  and  purity  of  the  Government, 
and  to  carry  out  the  great  purposes  of  the  Constitution  as  de- 
clared in  its  preamble  :  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union,  to  establish 
justice,  insure  domestic  tranquility,  promote  the  general  welfare, 
and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity. 
Such  are  the  judgment  of  the  people  of  Ohio,  repeatedly  express- 
ed, on  the  subject  of  Slavery,  as  a  social  and  political  question." 


18  SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

Well,  kind  reader,  we  will  see  how  we  can  interpret  this  part 
of  the  Constitution  ourselves.     The  Governor  has  made  the  best 
job  of  it  he  could,  I  reckon;  but  I  think  the  Constitution  has  as 
much  right  to  protect  the  Georgian's  property  as  it  has  the  Ohio- 
an's.     The  Governor  may  think  a  hog  that  would  cost  him  $20 
would  be  of  more  importance  than  a  Slave  that  would  cost  $1,000 
in  Georgia.     If  the  Governor  thinks  the  Constitution  meant  only 
to  protect  Slavery  in  the  States,  where  k  then  existed,  why  did 
they  not  cut  short  the  importation  of  African  Slaves  at  once,  for 
you  say  all  the  Slave-holding  States,  at  that  time,  were  in  the  act 
of  abolishing  Slavery  ?     I  can  tell  you,  Governor,  why  it  was,  be- 
cause the  people  had  found  the  Northern  clime  was  not  congenial 
with  the  African's  nature,  and,  having  but  little  Territory  South 
at  that  time,  thought  it  best  to  free  their  Slaves,  as  they  were  on- 
ly an  expense;  but  the  framers  of  the  Constitution,  knowing  that 
there  would  be  Southern  Territory  as  soon  as  the  country  could 
get  properly  on  her  feet,  granted  the  continuance  of  the  importa- 
tion of  African  Slaves  up  to  1808.     How  can  you  say,  Governor, 
that  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  never  intended  to  protect 
Slavery,  as  well  as  any  other  species  of  property  ?     Is  it  not  speci- 
fied in  the  Constitution  what  unlawful  proceedings  consist  of?    If 
they  had  intended  that  Slavery  should  not  be  carried  beyond  the 
limits  it  then  had,  they  certainly  would  have  left  some  signs,  as 
they  did  in  other  things  that  they  did  not  want  practiced  nor  im- 
posed upon  their  citizens — as  in  the  case  of  attainder  and  ex  post 
facto  laws.     If  they  did  not  intend  that  Congress  should  protect 
Slavery,  they  should  have  cut  it  ofl  from  the  Constitution,  and 
made  it  a  separate  law ;  for,  as  it  now  stands,  it  is  included  in  that 
clause  regulating  the  individual  rights  of  all  property  owned  in 
any  part  of  the  Union  by  its  citizens. 

Again,  you  say  that,  coupled  with  the  power,  is  the  duty  of 
Congress  to  prohibit,  by  express  enactment,  the  extension  of 
Slavery  into  any  Territory  of  the  United  States,  thereby  giving 
Congress  the  exclusive  power  to  prohibit  Slavery  in  a  Territory, 
without  the  power  to  protect  it.  Now,  we  will  suppose  a  case : 
Suppose  a  man  from  any  Territory  belonging  to  the  United  States 
should  come  to  Ohio  and  take  one  of  your  hogs,  and  the  State 
authorities  should  fail  to  indemnify  your  losses,  where  would  you 
look,  and  who  to,  for  an  indemnity  ?  Would  you  not  either  carry 
it  to  Congress  or  to  the  Supreme  Court  ?  I  think  you  certainly 
would.    But  if  the  same  man  take  a  slave,  the  master  has  no  right, 


SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  19 

outside  of  his  State,  to  claim  indemnity ;  so  here  goes  a  loss  of  at 
least  $1,000,  for  want  of  the  protection  of  Congress;  whereas 
you  have  the  right  to  recover  $20  for  your  hog  by  the  very  same 
authority  unto  which  the  Southern  Slaveholder  has  as  much  right 
to  look  for  protection  as  you  have.  It  then  follows,  what  is  the 
cause  of  this  difference  ?  I  answer,  it  is  founded  in  the  false  con- 
ception of  your  party  in  regard  to  the  Constitutional  claim  of  the 
Africans  residing  in  the  United  States.  Well,  we  must  endeavor 
to  see  what  that  Constitutional  claim  is.  We  all  know  that  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  never  has,  since  its  formation, 
recognized  the  African  as  one  of  its  citizens.  The  word  Freedom 
does  not  necessarily  imply  citizenship,  for,  were  that  the  case,  all 
foreign  emigrants  would  become  citizens  as  soon  as  they  landed, 
(Africans  excepted,)  for,  by  the  Constitution,  they  are  free.  And 
there  are  hundreds  of  free  jDersons  here,  but  that  don't  make  them 
citizens.  If  Freedom  constitutes  citizenship,  it  is  something 
strange  to  me  that  the  laws  of  your  Free  State  (Ohio)  prohibits  a 
man  being  entitled  to  suffrage,  if  it  can  be  proven  that  he  has  one 
drop  of  Negro  blood  in  him.  And  I  have  seen  twice,  in  the  news- 
papers, where  colored  men,  emigrating  from  other  States  into  the 
State  of  Illinois,  were  taken  up  and  sold  into  slavery  for  a  length 
of  time,  sufficient  to  raise  the  sum  of  fifty  dollars,  to  indemnify 
the  State  against  the  violation  of  a  law  prohibiting  colored  people 
entering  that  State.  It  is  true,  you  can  extend  the  citizenship  of 
your  State  to  any  class  you  please,  but  that  don't  make  it  a  Con- 
stitutional law  of  the  United  States. 

The  6th  Article  of  the  Constitution  of  Liberia  holds  that,  "In- 
asmuch as  the  essential  object  of  its  foundation  was  to  offer  an 
asylum  for  the  scattered  and  oppressed  children  of  Africa,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  regenerate  the  people  of  the  vast  continent  of 
Africa,  yet  enveloped  in  the  darkness  of  ignorance,  none  but  per- 
sons of  color  will  be  allowed  to  become  citizens  of  the  Republic." 
Well,  suppose  the  laws  of  that  Republic;  recognized  Slavery  in 
some  of  its  counties,  would  you  be  exempt  from  Slavery  then  ? 
If  the  State  of  Ohio  was  at  war  "with  Kentucky,  and  the  Kentuck- 
ians  were  to  conquer  you,  and  a  vessel  from  Liberia  was  ready  to 
sail,  and  the  Kentuckians  should  take  you  to  the  ship  and  sell  you 
to  the  Liberians,  would  you  be  their  lawful  property,  or  not  ? 
And  when  the  ship  arrived  in  Liberia,  you  not  being  entitled  to 
suffrage,  what  kind  of  a  position  would  you  be  in  ?  I  answer,  you 
would  be  subject  to  sale ;  and  any  citizen  of  Liberia  buying  you, 


20  SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

would  hold  you  to  Slavery  for  life,  or  during  the  confederation  of 
the  counties,  or  the  duration  of  the  Constitution.  But  there  is 
another  clause  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  that 
crowns  all  others  in  relation  to  Slaves  being  subjects  of  commerce, 
and  that  is :  when  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  were  regulating 
duties  on  foreign  commerce,  they  laid,  and  commanded  to  be  lev- 
ied, $10  on  each  person  imported  for  service  into  this  Republic. 
Now,  if  that  don't  constitute  the  African  a  commercial  piece  of 
property,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know  what  commerce  means. 

In  considering  these  facts,  the  Slave-holder  only  asks  the  pro- 
tection of  his  property  in  any  of  the  States  or  Territories  subject 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  this  only  amounts  to 
an  equality.  This  is  what  their  Representatives  are  instructed  to 
demand ;  and  this  is  what,  and  all,  they  have  demanded.  The 
Southern  members  of  Congress  have  always  contended  for  this, 
and  no  more.  But  when  they  are  sternly  told  that  they  cannot 
get  it,  it  is  enough  to  drive  them  to  dissolution.  Mark,  what  I 
say  to  you,  citizens  of  Ohio,  whenever  this  Union  is  dissolved,  and 
the  Slave-holders  have  cut  loose  entirely  their  commercial  connec- 
tion with  you,  there  is  no  State  in  the  Union  that  can,  or  will,  feel 
it  more  forcibly  than  yourselves.  Mark  it,  and  keep 'it  in  your 
mind,  that  when  the  amount  of  pork  and  bacon  sold  to,  and  con- 
sumed by,  Southern  Slave-holders  are  cut  short,  you  will  then  see 
what  advantage  the  Slave-holder  is  to  you.  "When  we  view  the 
quantity  of  pork  and  bacon  shipped  from  Cincinnati  to  the  several 
intermediate  points  between  there  and  New  Orleans,  you  had  bet- 
ter take  care  that  your  poor  are  not  worse  off  than  if  they  were 
living  in  Slave  States.  I,  therefore,  leave  the  subject  with  you, 
hoping  that  you  may  consider  and  reconsider  it,  and,  at  last  desist 
from  your  agitation,  and  allow  the  Slave-holder  his  rights  in  the 
Union,  and  thereby  cheat  the  spirit  of  Dissolution. 

Kind  reader,  I  suppose  you  have  come  to  the  conclusion,  by  this 
time,  that  I  do  not  intend  to  recur  to  the  Governor's  Inaugural  any 
more.  Well,  I  have  concluded  about  the  same  thing ;  for,  as  his 
views  are  before  the  country,  and  as  they  are  hostile  to  the  well- 
being  of  the  Slave  all  the  way  through,  and  as  the  Governor  has 
taken  such  a  winding  course  to  prove  the  non-protection  of  the 
Slave-holders,  by  the  executive  power,  I  shall  only  recur  to  his 
views  at  intervals. 

Now,  I  will  give  you  my  candid  opinion  as  regards  the  Black 
Republican  party.     It  may  seem  harsh  to  them,  but,  in  my  opin- 


SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  21 

Ion,  it  must  inevitably  work  out  that  way,  unless  prevented  by 
Divine  agency.  I  hold  that  they  are  contaminated  as  regards  the 
Dissolution  of  the  Union ;  notwithstanding  their  contemptuous 
manner  of  speaking  of  the  Slave-holder.  For  well  do  they  know 
that  it  is  the  agitation  of  Slavery  which  is  driving  the  Southern 
people  to  the  necessity  of  doing  such  a  thing.  Well  do  they 
know  the  Southerners'  whole  peculiar  and  dependent  interests  are 
in  his  Slaves.  According  to  an  old  proverb,  "Touch  a  man's  pock- 
et, and  you  touch  his  heart."  Now,  the  Black  Republicans,  know- 
ing the  Slave-holder's  whole  interest  to  be  connected  with  Slavery, 
make  war  on  that  point,  in  order  to  force  the  Southern  States  to 
secede,  that  they  may  have  the  honor  of  remaining  in  the  Union 
as  the  only  true  citizens.  Nor  would  this  satisfy  them ;  for  all 
know,  that  after  the  Southern  States  may  have  withdrawn  from 
the  Union,  and  divested  themselves  of  the  right  of  protection  by 
the  Federal  Government,  the  spirit  of  innovation  and  encroach- 
ment would  not  only  grow  rampant,  but  new  incentives  would  be 
given  to  insurrectionary  movements  against  a  people  no  longer 
their  brethren  in  the  Union.  Notwithstanding  they  know  that 
their  officious  interference  between  master  and  servant  will  but 
increase  the  bonds  of  the  servant ;  and  notwithstanding  they 
know  that  the  intelligent  portion  of  the  Slaves  of  the  South 
thank  them  not  for  their  pretended  sympathy,  yet  they  will  still 
presume  upon  the  influence  which  they  think  they  can  have  upon 
the  more  ignorant  and  credulous  of  our  race,  by  promising  them 
a  rich  and  flourishing  country  in  Central  or  South  America.  But 
let  the  non-participation  of  the  Slaves,  at  the  Harper's  Ferry  trea- 
son teach  them  a  lesson  of  Negro  feelings  in  the  South.  This 
was  but  the  A  B  C ;  if  they  will  try  it  again,  they  will  get  to  the 
pictures. 

I  have  no  doubt,  in  my  mind,  but  such  a  state  of  things  would 
follow  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  for  Governor  Dennison,  of  Ohio, 
in  his  Inaugural,  of  January  the  9th,  1860,  urged,  emphatically, 
the  acquisition  of  Central  America,  or  some  portion  of  South 
America,  for  a  settlement  of  the  free  colored  people  of  this  coun- 
try and  Africa.  And  as  we  see  the  late  attempt  of  John  Brown, 
who,  from  all  accounts,  was  one  of  their  leading  men,  how  can 
we  doubt,  for  one  moment,  the  above  conclusions  ?  It  does  seem 
that  Brown's  failure  to  instil  into  the  breast  of  the  Slaves  rebelli- 
ous notions,  ought  to  be  a  lesson  for  the  balance  of  the  fanatics ; 
but  I  would  not  trust  them  on  their  oats,  unless  I  had  them  in 


22  SLAVERY   AND   ABOLITIONISM. 

manacles  so  that  I  could  retain  them  for  punishment.  Bat  just 
let  them  march  their  motley  corps  into  the  Slave-holding  States, 
expecting  the  aid  of  the  Slaves,  and  they  will  find  that  the  old 
Brown's  gibbet  will  confront  many  a  one  of  them.  I  tell  you,  fa- 
natics, the  Slaves  of  the  Southern  States  are  getting  too  old  to  be 
humbugged  by  your  eternal  cry  of  freedom  !  They  have  heard 
it  too  much,  and  felt  the  effects  too  often,  to  be  gulled  any  more. 
I  would  to  God  that  every  Slave  had  the  discrimination  to  view 
your  position,  and  your  motives,  in  their  proper  light.  But  they 
know  enough  now,  by  severe  experience,  growing  out  of  your  in- 
fernal agitation,  to  enable  them  to  resist  any  attempt  you  may 
make  to  persuade  them  to  rebel  against  their  masters.  You  must 
recollect,  fanatical  sirs,  that  the  Slave  children  and  their  young 
masters  and  mistresses,  are  all  raised  up  together.  They  suck 
together,  play  together,  go  a  hunting  together,  go  a  fishing  to- 
gether, go  in  washing  together,  and,  in  a  great  many  instances, 
eat  together  in  the  cotton-patch,  sing,  jump,  wrestle,  box,  fight 
boy  fights,  and  dance  together  ;  and  every  other  kind  of  amuse- 
ment that  is  calculated  to  bolt  their  hearts  together  when  grown 
up.  Tou  had  better  mind  how  you  come  here  and  jump  aboard 
of  our  masters ;  for  I  tell  you,  though  we  sometimes  fight  among 
ourselves,  if  another  man  jumps  on  either,  we  both  pitch  into 
him.  You  must  recollect  that  we  are  not  oppressed  here  like 
your  nominally  free  there.  We  can  go  into  our  masters'  houses 
and  get  plenty  of  good  things  to  eat ;  and  we  can  shake  hands 
with  the  big-bugs  of  the  country,  and  walk  side-by-side  with  Con- 
gress members  on  the  side-walks,  and  stand  and  converse  with 
gentlemen  of  the  highest  rank,  for  hours  at  a  time.  So,  in  short, 
we  can  do  anything,  with  the  exceptions  of  those  privileges  wrest- 
ed from  us  in  consequence  of  your  diabolical,  infernal,  Black  Re- 
publican, Abolition,  fanatical  agitation. 

But,  perhaps,  you  will  say,  in  the  face  of  all  this,  "our  colored 
people  are  not  subject  to  a  separation  from  their  families,  as  the 
Slaves  are ;  for  when  they  marry  they  have  the  same  chance  to 
live  and  remain  with  their  families  as  we  do,  for  we  have  no  law  to 
separate  them."  That  all  may  be  ;  but  when  we  consider  the  ma- 
ny deprivations  the  colored  man  is  subject  to  in  a  country  grant- 
ing him  these  lawful  privileges,  we  would  wonder  that  the  colored 
man  is  held  in  such  low  esteem,  were  it  not  that  we  are  posted  on 
the  social  relations  in  which  he  stands  in  the  non-Slave-holding 
States,  it  is  a  common  thing  to  see  poor,  half-naked,  and  starving 


8LAYBRY   AND    ABOLITIONISM.  28 

oreatures,  standing  on  corners,  begging  every  one  passing  by  for 
a  penny.  And  it  is  not  at  all  surprising,  when  we  consider  the 
prejudice  existing  there  against  them.  As  for  myself,  I  would 
rather  have  the  law  against  me,  and  prejudice  in  my  favor,  than 
to  have  the  law  in  nay  favor  and  the  prejudice  against  me.  For 
the  decisions  of  the  law  are  always,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree, 
subject  to  prejudice.  The  colored  man  is  a  colored  man  anywhere. 
He  is  but  the  tool  North,  and  the  servant  South. 

Perhaps  the  reader  has  not  forgotten  what  I  stated  in  the  first 
of  this  address.  I  there  stated  that  Slavery  consisted  in  the  ab- 
solute power  one  individual  had  over  another.  It  matters  not 
from  what  source  this  power  is  derived ;  it  is  all  the  same  with 
the  subordinate,  with  the  single  exception  that  the  Slave  is  a  Slave 
for  life,  with  a  master  that  is  bound,  by  the  laws,  to  protect  him ; 
and  the  other,  a  subordinate  for  life,  with  no  protection.  So  you 
see,  the  Slave  has  some  one  that  is  pecuniarily  interested  in  hie 
welfare,  who,  therefore,  extends  to  him  every  advantage  that  will 
preserve  and  augment  longevity ;  whereas,  the  other  is  in  a  sub- 
ordinate condition,  in  a  climate  that  is  not  congenial  to  his  health, 
and  no  one  to  care  for  him.  He  is  restricted  to  this  climate,  too, 
without  any  thing,  or  any  person,  or  power,  to  protect  him,  other 
than  the  common  law,  and  that  being  over-powered  by  prejudice 
against  him,  buries  him  in  infamy  never  to  rise,  only  at  the  option 
of  the  oppressor.  So,  viewing  these  circumstances  in  their  prop- 
er fight,  I  would  rather  have  my  wife  sold  ten  thousand  miles  from 
me,  with  a  master  that  I  knew  was  bound  by  the  laws,  and  his  in- 
terest, to  protect  her  and  the  children,  than  to  be  with  her  and  the 
children  without  food,  and  no  way  under  God's  heaven  to  make  it 
— sitting  in  some  damp  cellar,  almost  stifled  with  the  stench  arising 
from  the  putrefaction  and  filth ;  there,  sitting  and  shivering,  with 
scarcely  clothing  sufficient  to  hide  their  nakedness,  and  nothing  to 
eat.  This  is  a  nice  fix  to  leave  your  colored  people  in,  in  the  North, 
to  come  here  and  make  war  upon  Slave-holders !     It  is,  indeed ! 

But  the  Governor,  in  his  Inaugural,  says :  "  Slavery  is  detrimen- 
tal to  the  poor  whites ;  for,"  says  he,  "the  poor  whites  having  no 
land  nor  Slaves,  are  reduced  to  Slavery  themselves."  A  contra- 
diction to  that  statement  would  be  unnecessary,  as  every  body,  in 
this  section,  knows  that  the  poor  whites  are  ten  times  better  off 
here  than  in  the  non-Slaveholding  States  ;  and  the  every-day  oc- 
currence of  their  emigrating  from  there  here,  is  a  positive  proof 
without  any  further  comment. 


24  SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

With  all  the  facts  stated  above,  in  regard  to  the  constitutional- 
ity of  Slavery,  that  party  has  but  one"more  prop  to  sustain  them, 
and  that  is  William  H.  Seward's  claims  on  the  Higher  Law. 
Well,  you  must  watch  me  very  closely  in  dealing  with  this  sub- 
ject, for  I  consider  it  of  more  importance  than  the  whole  of  the 
United  States. 

That  there  is  a  Higher  Law  of  Supreme  Power,  and  that  to  this 
Power,  kingdoms,  empires,  principalities,  republics,  and  all  other 
potentials,  are  subject,  and  ought  to  fall  down  before  Him  and  do 
homage,  is  without  a  doubt.  But  in  order  to  arrive  at  a  correct 
imderstanding  of  this  Law,  it  is  our  indispensable  duty  to  calcu- 
late the  greatest  possible  happiness  to  mankind  generally.  For, 
without  taking  it  in  a  general  sense,  we  might  confine  it  to  the 
narrow  precincts  of  our  selfish  conceptions.  I  will  now  give  my 
views  of  the  Higher  Law. 

I  contend  that  the  circumstance  of  Melchisedeck  meeting  Abra- 
ham in  the  wilderness,  and  blessing  him,  and  giving  him  bread 
and  wine,  emblematic  of  the  body  and  blood  of  our  Lord  and 
Savior  Jesus  Christ,  was  a  manifestation  of  the  Higher  Law.  I 
contend  that  the  blindness  of  Isaac,  which  caused  him  to  be  cheat- 
ed into  the  bestowal  of  the  blessing  upon  Jacob  instead  of  Esau, 
was  a  manifestation  of  the  Higher  Law.  I  contend  that  the  cir- 
cumstance of  Jacob  having  to  flee  from  the  wrath  of  Esau  to  a 
foreign  land,  and  his  ultimate  marriage  with  Rachel,  thus  estab- 
lishing the  lineage  of  the  Messiah,  was  a  manifestation  of  the 
Higher  Law.  I  contend  that  the  circumstance  of  Joseph  being 
sold  as  a  slave  into  Egypt,  and  his  subsequent  elevation  to  power 
and  consequence  among  the  Egyptians,  was  a  manifestation  of  the 
Higher  Law.  I  contend  that  the  circumstance  of  Moses,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  edict  of  Pharaoh,  being  placed  in  a  rush  cradle 
and  taken  thence  into  the  care  and  education  of  the  King's  daugh- 
ter, thereby  fitting  him  for  the  course  of  his  after  life,  was  a  man- 
ifestation of  the  Higher  Law.  I  contend  that  the  circumstance  of 
Moses'  slaying  the  Egyptian,  and  having  to  flee  to  the  wilderness, 
in  which  he  was  afterwards  to  wander,  was  a  manifestation  of  the 
Higher  Law.  I  contend  that  the  circumstance  of  David  having 
placed  Uriah  in  the  front  of  the  battle,  where  he  was  slain,  thus 
enabling  himself  to  raise,  by  Bathsheba,  a  legitimate  son,  who  was 
to  be  endowed  with  wisdom  above  all  men,  was  a  manifestation  oi 
the  Higher  Law.  I  contend  that  the  overthrow  of  Jerusalem,  by 
the  wicked  and  idolatrous  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  the  carrying  away 


SLAVERY    AM)    ABOLITIONISM.  25 

of  the  children  of  Israel  to  Babylon,  affording  them  an  opportuni- 
ty of  embracing  the  true  Religion,  was  a  manifestation  of  the 
Higher  Law.  I  contend  that  the  death  and  resurrection  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and  the  redemption  of  fallen  man,  was  a  manifestation  of 
the  Higher  Law.  I  contend  that  the  circumstance  of  the  primi- 
tive Christians  having  to  flee  into  the  wilderness,  with  the  Holy 
Bible  under  their  arms,  in  order  to  escape  the  persecution  of  the 
then  chaotic  world,  thereby  saving  the  Bible,  with  other  valuable 
histories,  was  a  manifestation  of  the  Higher  Law.  I  contend  that 
the  circumstance  of  the  Africans  being  sold  to  the  Europeans,  and 
from  them  to  the  Americans,  as  Joseph  was  to  the  Egyptians, 
thereby  bringing  them  into  a  land  flowing,  as  it  were,  with  the 
milk  and  honey  of  the  Gospel,  making  them  familiar  with  a  code 
of  laws  not  to  be  surpassed  by  those  of  any  nation  on  earth ;  ex- 
tending religious  liberty  to  all,  fitting  them  for  teachers  in  the 
various  precepts  of  civilization,  morality  and  religion,  so  necessary 
in  the  establishment  of  enlightened  and  Christian  society ;  fitting 
them  for  useful  missionaries  to  their  benighted  brethren  in  Africa, 
thereby  preparing  the  way  for  the  glad  shout  of  "  Hallelujah  to 
God  and  the  Lamb  "  in  benighted  Africa,  is  a  manifestation  of  the 
Higher  Law. 

Reader,  I  expect  your  patience  is  somewhat  threadbare ;  but  I 
have  been  thus  particular,  in  order  to  show  Mr.  William  3. 
Seward  my  views  on  the  subject  which  he  seems  to  base  the  whole 
of  his  strength  upon.  I  shall  present  a  short,  statistical  account  of 
the  Slave  Trade,  and  wind  up.     I  quote  from  good  authority : 

"  It  is  estimated,  that  in  the  city  of  New  York,  alone,  about 
twelve  vessels  are  fitted  out  every  year,  for  the  Slave  Trade ;  and 
that  Boston  and  Baltimore  furnish,  each,  about  the  same  number, 
making  a  fleet  of  thirty-six  vessels.  If  to  these  be  added  the  Sla- 
vers fitted  out  in  other  Eastern  ports,  besides  Boston,  we  will 
have  a  total  of  about  forty,  which  is  rather  under  than  over  the 
actual  number.  Each  Slaver  registers  from  150  to  250  tons,  and 
costs,  when  ready  for  sea,  with  provisions,  Slave  equipments,  and 
everything  necessary  for  a  successful  voyage,  about  $8,000.  There, 
to  start  with,  we  have  a  capital  of  $320,000,  the  greater  part  of 
which  is  contributed  by  Northern  men." 

A  writer  on  the  subject,  states  the  amount  of  capital  vested  in 
the  course  of  a  year,  and  says  that  the  men  engaged  in  it  receive 
a  profit  beyond  belief.  And  there  is  no  doubt  but  most  of  the 
men  engaged  in  it  are  those  fanatics  who  make  the  most  fuss  about 
Slavery. 

Now,  my  Northern  brethren,  if  you  are  so  philanthropic  in  our 


26  SLAVERY    ASTD    ABOLrnOlSlSM. 

cause  as  you  pretend  to  be,  you  can  bestow  your  kindnesses  on 
those  poor  creatures  who  are  not  acquainted  with  our  laws  and 
customs ;  you  can  concentrate  your  whole  force  against  those 
lawless  vandals,  who  purchase  for  speculation  and  selljfor  gain, 
without  interrupting  us,  who  are  far  better  off  than  they  are. 
But  that  would  not  answer  your  purpose,  for  you  are  not  law- 
abiding  citizens,  though  you  pretend  to  be  all  the  ones  that  are. 
If  you  could  get  in  power,  and  buy  or  steal  Central  America, 
and  place  your  freed  or  stolen  colored  brethren  there,  you  would 
then  have  things  as  you  want  them ;  for  it  would  not  be  long  be- 
fore some  Slave  would  be  endeavoring  to  get  over  where  he  could 
be  '■'•free  indeed  /"  and  on  demanding  them,  the  Slave-holder 
would,  inevitably,  be  insulted,  which  would  produce  anarchy, 
which  would  naturally  draw  in  your  fanatical  party,  and  W.  H. 
Seward,  straddling  his  hobby — Higher  Law  nag — would  march  at 
the  head  of  his  party  into  Central  America,  and  form  an  alliance 
with  the  Central  Americans,  and  march  the  allied  forces  against 
the  Slave-holding  States,  and  utterly  overthrow  them,  and  set  up 
a  monarchial  government,  and  crown  William  H.  Seward  king. 

I  am  of  the  opinion,  that  if  the  conservative  men  of  this  Repub- 
lic do  not  concentrate  the  two  great  national  parties,  ,and  form  a 
redoubt,  and  stay  within  its  precincts,  you  will  never  rue  it  but 
once,  and  that  will  be  all  your  lifetime.  Hence,  in  this  enlighten- 
ed and  (ought  to  be)  patriotic  Republic,  where  the  people  are 
their  own  king,  their  own  emperor,  their  own  monarch,  having 
one  of  the  sublimest  forms  of  government  in  existence,  to  suffer  a 
set  of  diabolical  fanatics  to  be  the  instruments  of  an  overthrow  of 
their  mnch-honored  country,  would  render  them  a  hissing  and  a 
by- word  for  every  nation,  and  an  everlasting  stigma  upon  the  wis- 
dom and  patriotism  of  its  citizens. 

Having  viewed  this  subject  in  what  I  conceive  to  be  the  proper 
light,  I  now  proceed  to  prove  it  to  be  true.  And,  in  order  to  do 
that,  I  shall  have  to  lay  before  you  the  inconsistency  of  the  Aboli- 
tion cause.  They  pretend  to  be  governed  by  the  Higher  Law 
principle,  which,  they  say,  teaches  the  inestimable  right,  guaran- 
teed to  all  men,  to  govern  themselves  nationally,  domestically  and 
personally.  Well,  we  will  view  this  subject,  but  while  we  most 
emphatically  acknowledge,  that  all  men  were,  originally,  born  free, 
we  are  constrained  to  acknowledge  the  power  of  Him  who  created 
all  things  out  of  nothing,  to  change  any  part  of  His  creation  as 
best  suits  Him  ;  or,  in  other  words,  change  original  things  so  that 


6LATKBT   AND    ABOLITIONISM.  21 

they  may  be  productive  of  tke  greatest  amount  of  good  to  man- 
kind, generally.  This  I  mentioned  in  my  preliminary  remarks  up- 
on the  Higher  Law.  I  only  mention  it  again  to  lay  a  basis  suffi- 
ciently impregnable  to  enable  me  to  refute  their  pretensions  to  the 
claims  which  all  men  have  upon  that  Law.  Now,  it  matters  not 
what,  or  how,  a  thing  was  in  the  creation,  nor  so  long  as  we  have 
reason  to  believe  that  the  continuance  of  the  original,  or  the  change 
as  we  find  them,  was  caused  by  the  Creator  of  the  thing  Himself. 
So,  under  this  consideration,  I  hold  that  both  the  original  and  the 
change  are  constitutionally  right,  for  we  read,  in  the  beginning, 
that  man  was  happy,  and  had  nothing  to  do  but  eat,  drink,  and 
be  lord  of  all  he  surveyed ;  and,  that,  too,  without  an  effort  on  his 
part,  to  provide  for  the  same.  But  mark  the  sequel:  after  he 
transgressed,  he  was  driven  out  of  the  garden,  and  forced  to  man- 
ual labor  for  a  sustenance.  We  cannot  say  it  was  wrong  in  the 
Creator,  for  man  did  it  himself. 

Well,  we  have  one  change  caused  by  the  created.  Now  let  us 
hunt  up  another.  I  shall  only  note  two  others,  as  I  have  spoken 
at  some  length  on  this  subject  above.  But  I  must  mention  here, 
before  going  further,  that  the  Creator  works  by  means  and  instru- 
mentalities, so  that  whatsoever  He  commands,  or  authorizes  His 
faithful  servants  to  do,  is  ratified  at  His  tribunal,  and,  consequent- 
ly, is  as  legitimate  as  if  He  had  done  it  Himself. 

The  next  circumstance  I  shall  present  to  refute  this  claim  on 
the  Higher  Law,  is  the  case  of  Noah  and  his  sons.  We  read  in 
the  ninth  chapter  of  Genesis  that  after  the  waters  abated,  Noah 
set  himself  to  till  the  earth ;  and  after  having  raised  a  good  crop 
and  made  much  wine,  he  drank  of  the  same,  and  was  made  drunk. 
His  clothes  being  displaced,  his  younger  son  saw  his  nakedness 
and  laughed  at  him.  Now,  when  Noah  knew  it,  he  was  angry, 
and  in  that  mood  he  pronounced  the  first  curse  of  servitude. 
Certainly,  this  must  be  another  departure  from  the  original  High- 
er Law  claims,  for  Ham  was  as  free  born  as  Shem  and  Japhet, 
yet  we  see  that  Shem  and  Japhet  were  to  dwell  together,  and  poor 
Ham  had  to  serve  them.  I  wonder  if  there  were  any  agitators,  or 
abolitionists,  then  to  kick  up  a  fuss  with  Noah,  about  making  a 
Slave  of  his  son?  and  with  his  two  brothers  for  making  him 
work  for  them?  I  guess  not,  for  I  don't  think  the  devil  had  that 
much  power  so  soon  after  the  flood.  We  will  now  proceed  to  the 
other  circumstance. 

We  read  in  the  ninth  chapter  of  Joshua,  that  when  the  Israel- 


28  SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

ites  found  that  they  were  deceived  by  the  men  ot  Gibeon,  they 
were  sore  displeased,  but,  in  consequence  of  their  oaths,  they  could 
not  slay  them  as  they  had  done  others.  But  mark  the  sequel : 
they  were  constituted  perpetual  servants  to  the  children  of  Israel 
as  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water.  So  we  see,  in  these 
few  instances,  that  the  claim  on  the  Higher  Law  will  not  do ;  and 
men  having  the  confidence  of  their  respective  States  to  enable 
them  to  become  legislators  for  the  people  at  large,  holding  forth 
such  doctrines  to  the  ignorant  classes  of  the  United  States,  are 
guilty  of  blasphemy  against  God  and  the  Constitution,  and  are, 
most  emphatically,  contaminated  with  dangerous  deceit. 

It  is  enough  to  know,  that  such  are  entitled  to  citizenship,  but 
when  they  are  placed  at  the  head  of  Government,  we  may  well 
quake  with  fear. 

I  will  now  endeavor  to  show  how  the  course  of  these  fanatics 
aflects  things  generally.  I  shall  prove  that,  according  to  their 
own  interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  there  is  property  in  man ; 
for  they  admit  this  fact,  that  the  Constitution  recognizes  an  infe- 
riority in  the  .Slave  where  it  says  that  three-fifths  of  all  slaves 
shall  be  taken  in  settling  the  basis  of  Representative  population. 
Here,  they  must  acknowledge  an  inferiority,  for  it  takes  five  slaves 
to  make  three  white  men.  The  next  instance  we  see,  is  the  cer- 
tainty that  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  recognized  property  in 
man.  This  we  can  easily  do  from  these  three  clauses  :  The  first 
is,  where  it  says  fugitives  from  service,  escaping  into  another  State, 
shall  be  rendered  up  to  the  rightful  owner,  on  the  demand  of  the 
same.  The  next  is,  a  levy  of  ten  dollars'  tax  on  all  persons  im- 
ported into  this  country  for  service.  The  third  is,  the  prohibition 
of  the  importation  of  persons  held  to  service  in  1808.  Well,  let 
us  now  consider  the  probability  of  these  three  clauses.  "We  find 
the  first  acknowledging  an  inferiority  in  the  Slave.  I  would  like 
for  the  Abolitionists  to  tell  me  why  that  was  done.  But  as  they 
are  not  present  I  shall  have  to  answer  for  them  :  My  opinion  is, 
that  as  the  Africans  never  emigrated  to  this  country,  but  were 
brought  here  and  sold  as  Slaves — they  being  found  in  that  condi- 
tion at  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  they  were  left  in  the  same 
condition.  Now,  as  the  right  to  property  is  inherent  in  all  things 
coming  to  him  through  that  channel,  it  then  follows  that  those 
who  had  invested  their  all  in  Slaves,  had  the  right  to  hold  and 
demand  the  rendition  of  them,  when  fled  from  service  into  anoth- 
er State,   with  the  same  propriety  as  a  brother  of  his  had  to  de- 


SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  29 

maud  his  horse,  or  any  other  species  of  property.  I  think  the 
other  two  clauses  need  no  comment,  for  they  explain  themselves. 
Let  us  suppose  a  case:  Suppose  you,  or  any  of  you,  were,  or  are, 
mechanics,  and  had  an  apprentice  bound  to  you  to  learn  a  trade, 
after  you  had  been  bound  by  law  to  support  and  protect  him  com- 
fortably, during  his  apprenticeship,  would  it  be  law  in  the  same 
law  not  to  give  you  power  to  hold  him  as  your  rightful  property 
during  his  term  of  apprenticeship  ?  And  would  it  not  be  right 
for  you  to  demand  him,  anywhere  in  the  United  States  in  case  he 
should  run  away  ?  And  if  you  had  the  right  to  do  so,  would  that 
not  constitute  the  right  of  property  in  him  during  his  term  of  ap- 
prenticeship ?  I  think  it  would.  Well,  if  the  Southerner,  by 
hard  labor  and  strict  economy,  saves  money  enough  in  five  or  six 
years  to  buy  a  Slave,  and  the  same  should  run  away  and  get  into 
a  Free  State,  can  not  he  demand  his  rendition  of  the  authorities 
of  that  State,  by  the  Constitution  ?  This  you  acknowledge  was 
the  true  meaning  of  the  clause,  and  if  it  is,  will  not  that  constitute 
property  in  man  ?  It  is  impossible  for  you  to  dodge  this  question, 
for  your  Black  Republican  Governor  of  Ohio,  in  his  Inaugural, 
admitted  that  that  was  the  meaning  of  the  fugitive  clause. 

This  being  true,  how  can  you  say  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  is  not  a  final  adjustment  of  the  Slavery  question?  You 
say,  indirectly,  that  the  rendition  of  fugitives,  escaping  from  ser- 
vice, is  constitutional,  but  turn  right  to  the  opposite  side,  and  say 
that  the  Constitution  does  not  recognize  property  in  man.  What 
folly  !  what  folly ! !  A  ten  year  old  boy,  born  and  raised  in  Geor- 
gia, would  know  better  than  to  lay  claim  to  a  piece  of  property 
that  he  could  not  prove  to  be  his  by  the  laws  of  the  State.  I  know 
you  must  see  the  inconsistency  of  your  course ;  but  that  you  care 
nothing  about.  All  you  care  for,  is  to  provoke  the  Southerners  to 
anger,  so  as  to  get  them  divided  far  enough  apart  to  admit  your 
factional  bandits.  Your  schemes  have  been  ingeniously  laid,  and 
they  are  working  harmoniously ;  but  I  am  in  hopes,  and  do  earn- 
estly pray,  that  the  conservative  men  will  become  sensitive,  and 
awake  in  time  to  defeat  your  sectional  fanaticism,  by  rallying 
around  one  of  the  conservative  candidates  for  the  Presidency. 
For  the  election  of  a  Black  Republican  to  that  office,  would  put 
manacles  on  every  Slave  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line.  Even 
now  the  oppression  has  commenced,  but  where  it  will  end  God 
only  knows. 

Who  are  you,  who  call  yourselves  my  friends  ?   who  cause  me 


SO  SLAVERY   AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

to  be  ten  times  worse  oppressed,  by  your  pretended  friendship  ? 
Who  are  you,  who  say  that  all  men,  by  the  teaching  of  the  High- 
er Law,  should  be  free  ?  when,  at  the  same  time,  that  very  Law 
contradicts  it,  and  shows,  conclusively,  that  from  the  earliest  pe- 
riod to  the  present  day,  one  man  was  commanded  to  serve  the 
other.  Who  are  you,  who  deny  that  persons  have  been  born 
Slaves  prior  to  the  enslavement  of  the  Africans  in  America  ?  when 
St.  Paul  said,  nearly  two  thousands  years  ago,  when  speaking  to 
a  multitude  of  feud  makers,  such  as  you  are,  that  he  was  free- 
born  /  showing,  most  conclusively,  that  all  men  vaere  not  so  born 
in  his  day.  Who  are  you,  who  say  that  the  oppression  of  the 
Slaves  of  the  South,  is  the  prime  cause  of  your  sympathy  ?  when 
you  know  that  your  pretended  sympathy  oppresses  the  Slave  ten- 
fold more.  Who  are  you,  who  hate  your  brother  Southerner,  and 
accuse  him  of  bringing  reproach  and  disgrace  upon  the  Republic  ? 
when  he  is  actually  doing  more  for  the  protection  of  the  country 
than  you  are,  for,  whereas,  you  employ  men  to  work  in  your  man- 
ufactories until  you  are  overwhelmed  with  wealth,  made  on  the 
labor  of  the  poor  men  working  for  such  small  wages,  barely  suf- 
ficient to  keep  them  comfortable  while  in  the  bloom  of  youth. 
What  becomes  of  them  when  bowed  down  with  old  age,  without 
a  penny  in  their  pockets  ?  Are  they  not  thrown  on  the  public  ? 
Suppose  this  money,  that  is  taken  to  support  them,  were  paid  into 
the  public  treasury,  would  it  not  lessen  the  national  debt,  which  is 
now  forty-five*  millions  of  dollars  ?  Who  pays  the  physician's 
bill  of  a  poor  man  and  his  family,  if  taken  sick  while  working  for 
you  at  a  shilling  a  day?  Do  you  take  the  money  that  they  have 
made  for  you  to  pay  their  expenses  ?  or  do  you  drive  them  out  of 
your  house  into  a  hospital,  to  be  taken  care  of  by  the  State  until 
they  sufficiently  recover  their  health,  and  go  to  work  for  you  again  ? 
Thus  you  receive  all  meat  and  no  bones  ;  for  you  get  all  the  poor 
man's  labor,  without  incurring  any  risk  whatever,  by  throwing  the 
expenses  on  the  State.  The  country  is  impoverished  at  the  ex- 
pense of  your  aggrandizement ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  South- 
erner only  gets  the  labor  of  his  Slave  by  paying  all  expenses  du- 
ring his  youthful  days,  and  when  he  is  old  and  unable  to  work,  he 
is  bound,  by  the  laws  of  his  section,  to  take  care  of  him  with  the 
same  money  he  earned  when  young.  Now,  after  supporting  him 
during  his  health,  if  the  Slave  should  happen  to  become  insane, 
the  authorities  would  grumble  like  thunder  and  lightning  to  have 

*It  is  now,  in  18G1,  somo  sixty  millions  of  dollars. 


SLAVEBY   AND    ABOLITIONISM.  31 

the  insane  Slave  thrown  on  their  hands.  They  would  say,  that  the 
owner  ought  to  take  care  of  him.  This  looks  like  bringing  re- 
proach and  disgrace  on  the  Republic,  don't  it  ?  If  you  would 
pay  attention  to  the  domestic  affairs  in  your  own  States,  it  would 
be  more  beneficial  to  your  section,  and  less  annoyance  to  the 
South. 

With  these  views  before  you,  I  cannot  see  what  grounds  you 
can  have  to  meet  and  nominate  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  of 
the  United  States,  when  you  know  that  the  President  takes  an 
oath  that  compels  him  to  know  no  North,  no  South,  no  East,  and 
no  West.  How  can  he  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  all  sections  of 
the  Union,  when  he  is  nominated  and  placed  on  a  sectional  plat- 
form, which  says,  in  its  embodiment  of  principles,  that,  coupled 
with  the  power,  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit,  by  express 
enactment,  the  extension  of  Slavery  into  any  of  the  Territories 
belonging  to  the  United  States  ?  Let  us  view  this  matter  a  little. 
Suppose  that  in  a  short  time  after  his  inaugural,  a  Territory  should 
offer  herself  to  Congress  for  admission  with  a  pro-Slavery  Consti- 
tution, a  majority  of  its  citizens  wishing  it,  what  could  you  do 
with  that  petition  ?  what  can  you  promise  the  people  you  would 
do  with  it?  If  you  were  to  reject  it,  you  would  show  that  you 
were  not  carrying  out  the  principles  demanded  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  if  you  were  to  receive  it,  you  would  violate  the  pledge 
made  to  your  factional  party,  who  say  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress 
to  prohibit  the  extension  of  Slavery  into  the  Territories.  So  what 
would  you  do  ?  If  I  may  be  permitted  to  answer,  I  say  that  my 
opinion  is,  you  would  reject  the  offer,  with  the  pro-Slavery  Con- 
stitution, upon  the  Higher  Law  claims.  That  not  being  recog- 
nized by  the  conservative  members,  Congress  would  be  thrown 
into  anarchy,  and  cry  out  encroachment !  encroachment ! !  Out 
of  this  would  be  sent  up  one  eternal  cry  for  equal  rights  !  equal 
rights  !  On  this  being  denied  the  conservative  members,  what 
else  could  be  expected  than  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  the 
government  destroyed  ?  The  anarchy  in  Congress  would  go  with 
the  velocity  of  a  planet ;  and  like  the  vapor  rising  from  malarious 
districts,  would  diffuse  itself  in  every  hole  and  corner  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  and  dampen  the  prospects  of  every  conservative  man. 
The  last  ray  of  light  being  exhausted  from  their  hopes,  they 
would  be  left  no  alternative,  but  to  unsheath  the  sword  against 
their  brothers,  for  the  protection  of  their  rights.  The  final  result 
of  these  proceedings  it  is  not  with  me  to  say,  but  look  at  it,  you 


32  SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

factionists,  and  see  if  you  can  not  prophesy  as  Ezekiel  did  of  Je- 
rusalem. 

To  Masters  and  their  Slaves. — Masters,  I  most  beseechingly 
■wish  you  to  read  the  following  to  your  Slaves,  and  tell  them  it  is 
the  request  of  one  that  is  their  brother  in  bondage.  For  I  believe, 
if  the  Slaves  were  undeceived  respecting  their  chance  of  enjoying 
freedom,  any  where  within  the  incorporate  limits  of  the  United 
States,  or,  in  fact,  any  where  on  the  continent  of  North  America, 
they  would  not  change  places  with  the  poor  white  man  North. 
But  while  they  are  deceived  in  believing  that  they  are  worse  off, 
and  worse  treated,  than  any  one  else,  it  is  natural  that  they  should 
be  dissatisfied.  But  if  you  remove  this  gloom  from  over  their 
eyes,  and  enable  them  to  see,  not  only  their  true  position,  but, 
also,  that  of  the  millions  of  the  poor  and  oppressed,  not  only  in 
Europe,  Asia  and  Africa,  but  in  the  Northern  States  of  America ; 
and  if  hundreds  of  them,  on  plantations,  even  knew  how  hard  run 
some  are  in  the  Southern  cities  to  live  comfortable,  they  could  see, 
clearly,  that  their  enslavement,  under  all  circumstances  by  which 
it  is  surrounded,  is  not  such  a  curse  as  they  thought  it  was.  Af- 
ter they  become  convinced  that  their  position  is  better  than  four- 
fifths  of  mankind,  they  will  cast  aside  all  foolish  hopes  of  bettering 
their  condition,  and  be  enabled  to  view  the  four-fifths  of  the 
laboring  population  of  the  country  as  being  in  a  far  worse  condi- 
tion than  they  are  themselves.  This  would  create  within  them  a 
satisfaction  with  their  lots  sufficient  to  make  them  trustworthy  in 
the  most  difficult  times. 

To  my  Brother  Slaves. — Brethren,  let  us  reason  together.  I 
expect  to  prove  to  you,  in  a  very  few  words,  that  Slavery  existed 
thousands  of  years  ago,  and  that  it  was  a  lawful  institution  long 
before  the  enslavement  of  the  Israelites.  We  read  in  the  14th 
chapter  and  14th  verse  of  Genesis,  that  Abraham  numbered  318 
servants,  born  in  his  own  house.  And  we  read  again,  in  the  same 
book,  50th  chapter,  19th  and  20th  verses,  where  Joseph  was 
speaking  of  his  being  sold  into  Egypt,  that  it  was  done  to  save 
much  people  alive.  And,  coming  down  to  the  Christian  era,  we 
find,  all  over  the  New  Testament,  admonitions  to  servants  com- 
manding them  to  obey  their  masters. 

I  will  give  one  instance,  sufficiently  conclusive,  without  stating 
many,  which  would  weary  the  mind.  We  read  in  Ephesians,  the 
6th  chapter  and  5th  verse,  as  follows  :  "Servants,  be  obedient  to 
them  that  are  your  masters,  according  to  the  flesh,  with  fear  and 


SLAVEEY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  33 

trembling,  in  singleness  of  your  hearts,  as  unto  Christ ;  not  with 
eye-service,  as  men-pleasers,  but  as  the  servants  of  Christ,  doing 
the  will  of  God  from  the  heart ;  with  good  will  doing  service,  as 
to  the  Lord,  and  not  to  men.  Knowing  that  whatsoever  good 
thing  any  man  doeth,  the  same  shall  he  receive  of  the  Lord  wheth- 
er he  be  bond  or  free." 

Now,  this  is  sufficiently  strong  to  show  that  St.  Paul  approved 
of  Slavery ;  but  this  is  only  one  out  of  hundreds,  equally  strong. 
Well,  if  we  find  Christ,  and  the  Apostles  favoring  it,  we  must  be 
very  particular,  or  we  might  be  found  fighting  against  God.  Now, 
my  kind  brethren  in  bondage,  if  it  be  so  that  the  children  of  Is- 
rael were  enslaved,  for  the  express  purpose  of  saving  much  peo- 
ple alive,  how  much  more  might  it  be  possible  that  the  Slaves  of 
America  are  enslaved  to  save  many  Africans  alive  ?  They  send 
us  heathens,  but  we  send  them  educated  Ministers  in  return.  Tell 
me  which  of  the  two  do  you  believe  to  be  right :  The  man  who 
says  he  is  your  friend,  but  don't  want  you  brought  from  the 
heathenish  country,  on  account  of  your  unworthiness  to  live  with 
white  men  in  an  enlightened  and  religious  country,  or  the  one  that 
says,  "  bring  them  on,  we  will  receive  them,  for  they  naturally  be- 
long to  a  warm  climate ;  and  they,  having  no  money  to  pay  us  for 
our  trouble  in  teaching  them  the  rudiments  of  the  true  religion, 
have  to  work,  thereby  fitting  them  both  for  agricultural  and  relig- 
ious duties.  We  will  let  them  work  our  farms,  and  we  will  be 
bound  to  take  care  of  them,  as  long  as  they  live."  This  rule  is 
only  applicable  in  the  general  acceptation  of  the  term.  I  now  no- 
tice it  in  a  domestic  point  of  view. 

My  brother  Slave,  let  me  ask  you  one  question :  Which  do  you 
think  are  our  real,  true  friends,  the  Abolitionists,  North,  or  our 
masters  South  ?  Perhaps  I  will  have  to  lay  the  matter  before  you 
to  enable  you  to  answer.  I  look  at  in  this  light,  that  "  where 
your  treasure  is,  there  will  be  your  heart,  also."  This,  I  think,  is 
easily  proved  by  the  natural  disposition  to  love  self  best ;  for  if 
you  work  hard  and  lay  up  money  enough  to  buy  a  horse,  it  is 
natural  to  suppose  that  you  will  think  more  of  him  than  a  stran- 
ger would*  You  will,  of  course,  feel  interested  in  him,  and  will 
do  all  you  can  to  render  him  comfortable. 

I  hold,  that  the  master,  having  labored  hard,  and  accumulated 
wo  or  three  thousand  dollars,  and  laying  it  out  in  Slaves,  is  enti- 
tled to  their  service.     Don't  it  look  natural  for  him  to  have  more 
sympathy,  growing  out  of  an  interest  for  them,  than  a  man  in  New 
4 


34  SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

York,  or  Ohio,  who  never  saw  you,  but  who  is  making  a  tremen- 
dous fuss  about  your  welfare  ?  Does  it  look  reasonable  for  him 
to  have  as  much  real  sympathy  for  you,  as  the  man  who  has  spent 
the  whole  earnings  of  a  quarter  of  a  century  in  purchasing  you  ? 
This  is  the  true  feature  of  the  case  ;  our  masters  buy  us  with  the 
money  they  have  worked  hard  for,  and,  of  course,  they  will  look 
more  to  our  interest  than  one  who  is  not,  in  any  shape  or  form,  in- 
terested in  us.  And  the  Slave  has  another  advantage :  the  laws  of 
the  South  compel  our  masters  to  protect  us  against  hunger,  naked- 
ness, or  any  other  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  This  is  reason- 
able, and  I  hope  yon  will  view  it  in  its  proper  light,  so  as  to  endear 
your  masters  to  you  as  friends,  and  not  make  enemies  of  them. 
But  if  you  doubt  their  being  better  friends  to  you  than  the  Abo- 
litionists are,  I  beg  you  to  look,  for  a  moment,  at  the  effect  their 
course  of  proceedings  lias  upon  your  happiness  and  privileges. 
The  Abolitionist  will  tell  you  that  you  ought  to  be  free,  and  that 
if  you  will  rise  against  your  masters,  they  will  help  you.  But 
look  at  them  after  they  succeed  in  getting  a  few  poor,  ignorant 
Slaves  to  join  them;  they  will  push  the  Slaves  forward;  and  when 
our  masters  are  led  to  the  light  of  what  is  going  on,  they  com- 
mence abusing  us.  The  Abolitionists  being  behind,  make  their 
escape,  and  leave  us  to  take  all  the  consequences.  They  know 
that  we  cannot  get  off,  from  the  fact  that  we  cannot  travel  without 
a  pass.  Now,  to  prove  to  you  that  they  are  our  worst  enemies, 
just  see  how  they  act,  and  that  will  convince  you  that  they  are  the 
worst  of  all  enemies  to  the  Slave.  For  when  they  flee  from  the 
neighborhood,  where  they  have  excited  a  few  foolish  Slaves  to  re- 
bellion, they  go  out  of  the  reach  of  that  neighborhood,  and  prop- 
agate their  slanders  anew,  accusing  masters  of  abusing  and  op- 
pressing their  Slaves.  When  they  have  effected  an  excitement  in 
one  neighborhood,  and  fled  from  it,  they  will  endeavor  to  get  up 
another  excitement  where  they  are.  I  wish  to  know,  if  any  of 
you  are  so  blind  as  not  to  see  the  inconsistency  of  their  preten- 
sions to  the  friendship  of  Slaves  ? 

But,  perhaps,  some  of  you  may  say,  that,  in  case  they  should 
succeed  in  getting  off  with  you,  you  would  be  free.  Just  let  me 
say  to  you,  that  as  soon  as  you  were  landed  on  free  soil,  your  pre- 
tended friend  would  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  you.  He  would 
tell  you  to  go  to  work ;  but  after  you  had  tried  in  vain  to  get  some- 
thing to  do,  and  failed,  you  would,  perhaps,  hunt  him  up,  and  tell 
him  that  you  were  without  money,  and  could  not  get  anything  to 


SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  35 

do.  He  would  point  out  some  other  place,  and  send  you  there ; 
but  after  you  had  tried  all  over  that  neighborhood,  and  were  told 
that  they  did  not  employ  negroes  while  there  was  so  many  white 
men,  with  families,  needing  work;  and  that  you  had  better  go 
back  to  the  man  that  brought  you  there ;  then  you  would  begin  to 
think  that  you  had  better  staid  where  you  had  some  one  to  give 
you  plenty  of  work  to  do,  and  plenty  of  victuals  to  eat.  And, 
more  especially,  would  you  feel  the  truth  of  what  I  say,  when  you 
went  back  to  the  man  that  had  decoyed  you  off,  and  he  being  tired 
of  your  troubling  him,  might  bring  you  a  piece  of  meat  and  bread 
to  the  door,  and  handing  it  to  you,  drive  you  away  from  his  house. 
Such  treatment  might  do  for  those  poor  colored  people  there,  who 
never  knew  any  better,  but  it  would  not  do  for  a  Slave  of  the 
South,  accustomed  to  being  treated  as  a  human  being.  So,  when- 
ever one  talks  to  you  about  being  free,  tell  him  that  you  had  rath- 
er stay  where  some  one  is  compelled  to  take  care  of  you,  than  to 
go  where  no  one  is,  and  where  you  are  equally  as  subordinate  as 
you  would  be  where  you  had  some  one  to  protect  you.  In  fact,  I 
hold  that  the  subordination  of  the  poor  colored  man  North,  is 
greater  than  that  of  the  Slave  South. 

Now,  fanatical  sirs,  what  authority  have  you  to  predict,  for  the 
American  people,  the  acquisition  of  some  portion  of  Central  or 
South  America,  to  settle  the  colored  man  upon,  or  the  non-exten- 
sion of  Slave  Territory  ?  Are  you  the  guardian  Angel  of  the 
American  Republic,  sent  from  Heaven,  to  set  forth  what  is  right, 
and  what  is  wrong  ?  If  you  are,  I  think  that  Tribunal  badly  rep- 
resented ;  for,  instead  of  your  teaching  peace  and  harmony,  you 
are  laying  the  basis  of  a  destruction  of  the  Union.  The  contin- 
ued feuds  kept  up  in  Congress,  growing  out  of  the  agitation  of 
the  Slavery  question,  ought  to  be  a  lesson  to  any  patriotic  citizen, 
to  let  that  question  alone.  And  if  you  were  truly  patriotic  citi- 
zens, you  would  let  it  alone. 

Hoping  that  you  will  see  the  folly  of  your  course,  and  turn  to 
the  spirit  which  actuated  your  forefathers,  I  bid  you  adieu.  I  ask 
your  pardon  for  any  misrepresentation  I  may  have  made,  in  regard 
to  your  intentions — but  for  nothing  more. 

I  beg  the  pardon  of  all  conservative  Northern  citizens  for  not 
separating  them,  in  every  instance,  from  the  Abolitionists,  in  this 
address. 

I  beg  the  pardon  of  all  Southerners,  if  I  have  said  anything 
detrimental  to  their  wishes. 


36  SLAVERY   AND   ABOLITIONISM. 


I  beg  the  pardon  of  all  colored  people,  if  I  have  said  anything 
offensive  to  their  feelings,  hoping  they  will  impute  it  to  the  sym- 
pathy I  have  for  the  oppressed  and  benighted  of  my  people  at 
large. 


OK/iTiois^n 


ON 


LINCOLN'S  INAUGURAL. 


Gentle  reader,  I  do  not  expect  to  develop  to  you  anything 
new  in  this,  my  addition,  other  than  my  views  on  the  Inaugural 
Address  of  the  President  of  the  remaining  part  of  the  United 
States.  For  it  would  be  useless  to  look  up  abstract  questions  now 
to  prove  anything,  while  the  position  of  the  above  named  Presi- 
dent is  before  us ;  for  the  die  is  cast,  "  the  deed  is  done,"  a  Black 
Republican  is  elected  President.  Yes !  elected  President  of  the 
United  States.  A  sectional  man — a  fanatical  man — a  man  that 
was  nominated  by  a  sectional  and  fanatical  party,  and  placed 
upon  a  sectional  and  fanatical  platform — this  man  we  find  a  few 
days  ago  taking  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  all  sections  of  the  coun- 
try. Notwithstanding,  he  said  in  his  inaugural,  a  few  minutes 
before  he  took  this  oath,  that  there  were  different  opinions  in 
regard  to  the  extension  of  Slavery,  which  would  naturally  be  as 
binding  on  him  to  give  his  aid  in  its  extension,  as  in  checking  it. 
Is  it  possible  that  the  American  people  will  continue  to  suffer 
this  diabolical  faction  to  lead  them  on  by  degrees?  Their  mouths 
gape  with  that  old  Syrian  song — 

"  Take  time !  take  time ! 
Mind  what  you  do!" 

Is  the  election  of  an  enemy,  (and  I  liked  to  have  said  a  sworn 
one,)  to  one  section  of  the  country,  sufficient  cause  for  the  suffer- 
ing section  to  withdraw  from  the  other  ?  If  the  Revolutionary 
fathers  had  danced  to  that  tune,  what  would  have  been  your  con- 
dition to-day  ?  Is  the  world  stronger  than  the  Almighty  that  form- 
ed it  ?  or  is  the  Constitution  stronger  than  the  people  who  made 
it  ?  Reader,  it  is  not  my  intention  to  say  anything  about  the  Con- 
stitution being  unworthy  the  object  for  which  it  was  formed ;  but 
that  object  being  violated,  it  then  follows  that  there  is  an  aggres- 


SLAVEBY   AND   ABOLITIONISM. 

sor  somewhere ;  and  if  you  succeed  in  finding  him,  and  require  of 
him  an  indemnity  for  the  wrongs  done  to  that  instrument,  it  is  his 
indispensable  duty  to  adjust  the  matter  amicably  and  satisfactory. 
And  any  selfish  motive,  sectional  strife,  party  aggrandizement  or 
fanatical  factions,  ought  to  debar  the  aggressor,  if  proven  guilty 
of  these  one-sided  principles,  the  privilege  of  presiding  over  that 
part  of  the  section  to  which  he  was  known  to  be  an  enemy.  This 
conclusion  brings  with  it  the  position  occupied  by  the  Republican 
party. 

Let  us  hear  what  Mr.  Lincoln  says  on  this  subject.  He  says  : 
"Apprehension  seems  to  exist  among  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  that  by  the  accession  of  a  Republican  administration,  their 
property  and  their  peace  are  to  be  endangered.  There  has  never 
been  any  reasonable  cause  for  such  apprehension.  Indeed,  the 
most  ample  evidence  has  all  the  while  existed,  and  been  open  to 
their  inspection.  It  is  found  in  all  the  published  speeches  of  him 
who  now  addresses  you.  I  do  quote  from  one  of  those  speeches, 
when  I  declare  that  I  have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to 
interfere  with  the  institution  of  Slavery  in  the  States  where  it  ex- 
ists. I  believe  I  have  no  lawful  right  to  do  so — and  I  have  no  in- 
clination to  do  so." 

Let  us  see  how  this  will  compare  with  the  platform  upon  which 
the  honorable  gentleman  was  elected.  The  party  that  framed  the 
platform,  and  placed  him  on  it,  vows  vengeance  to  Slavery,  and 
say  that  it  is  a  pernicious  sin,  and  that  humanity  and  religion 
ought  to  demand  its  cessation.  Under  this  head  the  party  finds  a 
pretext  to  back  them  in  enacting  laws  to  prohibit  the  rendition  of 
fugitives  escaping  from  service ;  and  under  this  pretext  they  shel- 
ter themselves,  when  it  is  proven  that  the  Constitution  admits  of 
Slavery  being  carried  anywhere  within  the  incorporate  limits  of 
the  United  States. 

But  let  me  return  to  the  President's  inaugural.     He  says  : 

"Those  who  nominated  and  elected  me,  did  so  with  knowledge 
that  I  had  made  this  and  many  other  similar  declarations,  and  had 
never  recanted  them.  And  more  than  this,  they  placed  in  the 
platform  for  my  acceptance,  and  as  a  law  to  themselves  and  to 
me,  the  clear  and  emphatic  resolutions  which  I  now  read : 

UiHesolved,  That  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the 
States,  and  especially  the  rights  of  each  State,  to  order  and  con- 
trol its  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  ex- 
clusively, is  essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on  which  the  per- 


SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  39 

fection  and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depends,  and  we  de- 
nounce the  lawless  invasion,  by  armed  force,  of  the  soil  of  any 
State  or  territory — no  matter  under  what  pretext — as  among  the 
gravest  crimes.' " 

The  President  then  goes  on  to  say:  "I  now  reiterate  these 
sentiments,  and  in  doing  so,  I  only  press  upon  the  public  attention 
the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  which  the  case  is  susceptible. 
The  property,  peace  and  security  of  no  section  is  to  be  in  anyweis 
endangered  by  the  incoming  administration. 

"  I  add,  too,  that  all  the  protection  which  consistently  with  the 
■Constitution  and  the  laws,  can  be  given,  will  be  cheerfully  given 
to  all  the  States,  when  lawfully  demanded  for  whatever  cause — as 
cheerfully  to  one  section  as  to  the  other." 

We  will  see,  by  and  by,  what  this  self-delegated  power  intends 
to  do  with  the  seceding  States.     But  here  he  goes : 

"There  is  much  controversy  about  the  delivering  up  of  fugitives 
from  service  or  labor.  The  clause  I  now  read  it  as  plainly  written 
in  the  Constitution  as  any  other  of  its  provisions :  "  ~No  person 
beld  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  es- 
caping into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  laws  or  regula- 
tions therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall 
be  delivered  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor 
may  be  due.' " 

The  honorable  gentleman  says,  in  regard  to  this,  that — 

"It  is  scarcely  questioned  that  this  provision  was  intended,  by 
those  who  made  it,  for  the  reclaiming  of  fugitives  Slaves,  and  the 
intention  of  the  law-giver  is  the  law.  All  members  of  Congress 
swear  their  support  to  the  whole  Constitution — to  this  provision 
as  much  as  to  any  other.  To  the  proposition,  then,  that  Slaves 
whose  cases  come  within  the  terms  of  this  clause,  shall  be  deliv- 
ered up,  their  oaths  are  unanimous.  Now,  if  they  would  make 
an  efiort  in  good  temper,  could  they  not,  with  an  equal  unanimity, 
make  and  pass  a  law  by  means  of  Avhich  to  keep  good  that  unani- 
mous oath  ?" 

The  President  acknowledges  the  right  of  each  State  to  make 
and  keep  inviolate  her  own  domestic  regulations ;  but  the  party 
he  represents  denies  the  right  of  a  Slave-holder  to  go  into  their 
Free  States,  and  demand  a  fugitive  Slave.  Perhaps  he  would 
think  it  a  bad  affair,  if  a  man  from  Georgia  was  to  go  into  his 
State  and  steal  $1,000  worth  of  property,  and  bring  it  to  Georgia; 
iind  if  he  came  after  it,  the  authorities  should  tell  the  honorable 


40  SLAVEBY    AKD    ABOLITIONISM. 

gentleman  that  he  had  no  business  with  it,  and  that  he  could  not 
get  it,  he  would  feel  pretty  tolerable  bad,  I  reckon.  But,  oh !  the 
honorable  gentleman  says  that  they  must  make  the  effort  in  good 
temper.  I  declare  I  liked  to  hare  forgotten  that.  But  I  expect  it 
is  a  pretty  hard  matter  for  a  Georgian  to  keep  in  a  very  good  hu- 
mor, after  he  has  paid  $1,000  for  a  Slave,  for  him  to  run  away  (or 
be  stolen)  to  a  Free  State,  where  he  would  have  to  carry  with  him 
another  man,  at  his  own  expense ;  and  after  getting  there,  be  in- 
dicted for  slander,  and  a  demand  made  of  him  to  pay  his  Slave  for 
what  time  he  had  owned  him ;  and,  if  he  get  him  at  all,  it  might 
cost  him  more  than  the  Slave  was  worth.  I  think  it  would  be 
pretty  hard  for  him  to  make  the  effort  in  good  temper. 

But  the  President  says  there  is  some  little  difference  of  opinion 
in  regard  to  which  authority,  the  State  Executive,  or  the  Nation- 
al, should  be  clothed  with  the  power.  But  this,  he  says,  is  a  mat- 
ter of  little  consequence,  since  it  matters  not  by  what  authority 
he  gets  his  Slave.  He  also  says  the  reason  they  make  such  a  great 
fuss  about  it  is,  that  they  do  not  want  to  make  a  mistake,  and  take 
up  a  free  man  and  give  to  the  owner  of  the  Slave.  Poor  fellow  ! 
you  certainly  must  pay  but  little  attention  to  your  darkies  there,  if 
you  don't  know  them  living  in  your  own  towns. 

But  the  President  says  that  all  demands  shall  be  given  up  when 
lawfully  made.  But  I  reckon  he  don't  think  it  lawful  for  a  Geor- 
gian to  take  a  witness  to  Ohio  to  prove  a  Slave  to  be  his. 

But  I  guess  he  will  find  it  quite  as  unlawful,  when  he  undertakes 
to  coerce  the  seceding  States  back  into  the  Union,  upon  the  ground 
that  they  had  no  constitutional  right  to  do  so.  Yet  he  says  the 
intention  of  the  law-giver  is  the  law.  He  also  admits  that  there 
is  no  clause  in^the  Constitution  more  plainly  written  than  the  ren- 
dition of  fugitives ;  and,  in  the  face  of  all  this,  he  has  the  hardi- 
hood to  appear  on  the  stage  and  there  declare,  in  the  face  of  the 
civilized  world,  his  intention  to  coerce  the  seceding  States  back,, 
when  they  have  only  withdrawn  for  the  vindication  of  their  rights, 
which  have  been  trampled  on  for  years ;  and,  instead  of  getting 
better,  it  is  getting  worse. 

It  is  true  he  may  coerce  them  back,  but  it  will  be  into  their 
mother  earth ;  but  never  will  they  be  forced  back  into  the  Union,, 
without  a  sufficient  indemnity  for  the  wrongs  practised  on  them 
by  your  diabolical  faction.  Talk  about  holding  the  public  prop- 
erty, and  collecting  the  revenues !  I  suppose  the  property  of  the 
Southern  States  is  not  worth  as  much  to  her  citizens  as  your  would- 


SLAVERY   AST)   ABOLTTIOKISM.  41 

be-called  revenues.  Now  you  pretend  to  be  so  very  conservative, 
promising  to  administer  the  laws  to  all  sections  of  the  country  with 
equal  justice,  no  matter  in  what  shape  or  form.  Let  me  see  if 
you  can  stand  one  test.  You  being  a  lawyer,  it  is  an  easy  matter 
to  answer  the  first  question.  Tell  me,  kind  sir,  what  term  of  years 
are  required  for  an  act  of  misdemeanor,  unappeased  for,  to  become 
null  and  void  ?  Does  it  not  hold  good  against  the  offending  party 
during  the  existence  of  the  same  ?  It  certainly  does.  Well,  you 
say  that  you  don't  wish  to  use  any  hostility  to  the  South.  If  you 
don't,  make  this  proposition  to  the  Slave-holding  States  :  that  the 
old  family  records,  together  with  the  executives,  and  let  there  be 
a  valuation  aoording  to  the  value  of  Slaves  during  that  day  down 
to  the  present  time,  and  then  compel  the  Free  States  to  pay  the 
valuation  made  by  the  Slave-holding  States ;  and  you  would  do  an 
act  that  would  clothe  you  with  more  honor  than  all  the  Presidents 
of  the  United  States,  and  would  be  a  lasting  fame  that  would  not 
forsake  you  when  you  had  long  since  mingled  with  your  mother 
dust. 

Now  this  request  will  never  be  made,  of  course,  but  it  might  be 
made  with  as  much  accuracy  as  could  the  Republican  party  expect 
the  South  to  give  up  the  property  of  their  States,  which  had  for- 
merly belonged  to  the  United  States.  For  she  has  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  dollars,  no  doubt,  invested  in  Slaves  now  residing  in 
the  Free  States ;  and,  what  is  more  than  all,  the  authorities  of 
these  States — nine*  of  them — have  met  and  passed  laws  hostile  to 
the  Fugitive  clause,  which  Mr.  Lincoln  says  is  as  plainly  written 
as  any  other  clause  in  the  Constitution.  Nevertheless,  the  people 
have  passed  these  laws,  and  in  order  to  give  them  all  the  force 
that  could  be  given  to  law,  they  have  made  it  a  criminal  offence 
to  assist  in  any  way  in  recapturing  a  fugitive.  I  don't  recollect  the 
exact  penalty,  but  I  think  it  is  ten  year's  imprisonment  and  $1,000 
fine,  in  the  most  of  the  States. 

The  President,  in  treating  of  this  very  delicate  matter,  said  that 
the  Fugitive  Law  was  as  well  executed  as  well  could  be,  and  that 
a  few  would  break  over  any  law.  Now  this  kind  of  talk  might 
do,  had  it  been  a  few  citizens  of  a  State,  but  when  we  find  an  over- 
whelming majority,  so  much  so,  that  they  made  it  the  law  of  those 
States  and  placed  them  on  the  statute  books,  is  enough  indeed  to 
cause  the  Southerner  to  think  it  a  hopeless  chance  to  get  his  Slave 
from  them. 

*  I  hear  it  stated  that  some  of  these  States  have  abolished  this  law. 


42  SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM. 

But  the  honorable  President  says  if  they  would  make  the  effort 
in  good  temper.  I  should  like  to  know  if  the  Constitution  says 
anything  about  the  temper  in  which  the  demand  is  to  be  made. 
The  President  being  a  constitutional  man,  of  course  he  would  not 
set  forth  any  doctrine  not  constitutional. 

I  will  now  try  the  President  on  the  violation  of  this  Fugitive 
Law.  He  says  that  the  Fugitive  clause  is  as  plainly  written  as 
any  other  clause  of  the  Constitution.  Well,  then,  if  so,  hostility 
to  that  law  must  be  so  to  the  Constitution ;  and,  admitting  that 
to  be  the  fact,  he,  aocording  to  his  declaration  of  constitutional 
power,  has  the  very  same  right  to  force  the  citizens  of  those 
States  to  strike  those  unconstitutional  laws  out  of  their  statute 
books,  as  he  has  to  coerce  the  seceding  States  back,  that  had  with- 
drawn on  account  of  its  being  placed  there.  Now,  let  the  honor- 
able gentleman  undertake  to  force  that  unconstitutional  law  off  of 
their  statute  books,  and  he  will  be  told  that,  that  is  their  business, 
not  his.  But  when  the  South  withdraws  herself  from  these  States, 
on  account  of  the  unconstitutionality  of  these  laws,  she  is  called, 
by  the  honorable  President,  insurrectionary  or  revolutionary ;  con- 
sequently, is  beneath  the  notice  of  the  honorable  President ;  so 
much  so  that  an  application  to  that  tribunal  for  recognition  would, 
I  suppose,  be  treated  with  utter  contempt.  Such  a  course  is 
folly  to  the  highest  degree,  and  ignorance  to  the  lowest  abyss  of 
unlearned  men.  But  the  conception  that  party  takes  of  the  High- 
er Law  will  always  keep  them  in  darkness. 

The  reader,  perhaps,  by  this  time,  may  have  come  to  the  con- 
clusion that  I  have  somewhat  changed  my  position  since  writing 
the  first  edition,  for  I  pressingly  recommended,  in  that  piece,  the 
importance  of  preserving  the  Union ;  and  I  held  on  to  the  same 
views  some  time  after  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  hoping  that, 
seeing  the  confusion  his  election  had  caused  the  country,  he  and 
his  party  would  at  least  modify,  or  cause  to  be  modified,  the  hos- 
tility to  the  Fugitive  clause.  But  when  I  saw  every  offer  made 
to  that  party  refused  and  trampled  under  foot,  and  when  I  saw 
that  they  were  determined  to  carry  out  the  unconstitutional  prin- 
ciples upon  which  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected,  I  could  see  no  other 
alternative  for  the  Southern  States  but  secession,  and  form  for 
themselves  a  Southern  Republic. 

But  I  must  return  to  the  President  and  his  inaugural.  Hear 
what  he  says :  "  1  hold  that  in  contemplation  of  universal  law  and 
of  the  Constitution,  the  union  of  these  States  is  perpetual.     Per- 


SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  43 

petuity  is  implied,  if  not  expressed,  in  the  fundamental  law  of  na- 
tional Governments.  It  is  safe  to  assert  that  no  Government  prop- 
er ever  had  a  provision  in  its  organic  law  for  its  own  termination. 
Continue  to  execute  all  the  express  provisions  of  our  national 
Constitution,  and  the  Union  will  endure  forever  " 

Well,  we  will  see  what  this  is  made  of.  The  President  says  that 
he  holds  that  in  contemplation  of  xmiversal  law,  the  Union  of  these 
States  is  perpetual.  Well,  I  hold  that  his  contemplation  of  uni- 
versal law  is  utterly  wrong,  in  that  part  where  he  holds  to  Mr. 
Seward's  Higher  Law  doctrine,  that  teaches  the  birth  of  all  men 
being  free,  and  that  no  change  can  legally  be  made  that  will  hold 
good  against  that  contemplation,  no  matter  whether  prophetically, 
miraculously,  ecclesiastically,  or  civilly.  As  I  set  this  forth  in 
my  first  edition,  I  shall  pass  it  by. 

The  President  says,  that  it  is  safe  to  assert  that  no  Government 
ever  had  a  provision  in  its  own  organic  Constitution  for  its  termi- 
nation. That  is  all  very  true,  but  if  the  people  of  the  Govern- 
ment form  it  for  the  protection  of  their  property  and  themselves, 
and  certain  clauses  in  the  Constitution  of  that  Government  is 
violated,  the  people  of  one  section  of  the  Government  being  the 
sole  sufferers,  while  the  others  are  dancing  over  their  misfortunes 
caused  by  the  very  men  that  were  rejoicing  over  it,  it  does  look  to 
me  like  the  time  of  its  termination  had  come  with  the  suffering 
section  at  least. 

But  I  must  pass  on,  for  I  have  already  exceeded  my  first  inten- 
tion ;  for  I  then  promised  not  to  meddle  with  abstract  questions. 
But  I  have  been  forced  to  advert  to  them  in  order  to  make  the 
subject  conclusive. 

Reader,  if  you  will  but  take  the  pain6  to  read  the  inaugural  all 
through,  you  will  there  see  the  winding  course  the  President  has 
taken  to  deceive  the  people  of  his  conservativeness.  The  Presi- 
dent, in  the  course  of  his  inaugural,  in  speaking  of  his  intentions, 
and  after  saying  he  considered  the  Union  unbroken,  that  his  inten- 
tion is  to  execute  the  laws  in  all  the  United  States,  unless  his 
rightful  masters — the  American  people — shall  withhold  the  requi- 
site means. 

His  pretension  to  conservatism,  in  this  place,  is  very  great  in- 
deed, but  I  doubt  the  sincerity,  for  the  majority  of  the  American 
people  are  against  his  being  President,  and  have  been  all  the  time, 
but  he  don't  seem  to  back  for  that.  A  majority  acquiesce  in  the 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court ;  but  I  find  him  speaking  of  it  in 


44  SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIOmSM. 

his  inaugural  with  almost  contempt.  Let  us  hear  what  the  Con- 
stitution says  in  regard  to  this  judicial  power  : 

"The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases  in  law  and  equity 
arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and 
treaties  made  or  which  shall  be  made  under  their  authority ;  to  all 
cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and  consuls  ; 
to  all  cases  of  admirality  and  maratime  jurisdiction ;  to  contro- 
versies to  which  the  United  States  shall  be  a  party ;  to  controver- 
sies between  two  or  more  States :  between  one  State  and  citizens 
of  another  State :  between  citizens  of  difterent  States :  between 
citizens  of  the  same  State,  claiming  lands  under  grants  of  differ- 
ent States,  and  between  a  State,  as  citizens  thereof,  and  foreign 
States,  citizens  or  subjects,  in  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  oth- 
er public  ministers  and  consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State  shall 
be  party,  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  original  jurisdiction.  In 
all  the  other  cases  before  mentioned,  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have 
appellant  jurisdiction,  both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  excep- 
tions and  under  such  regulations  as  the  Congress  shall  make." 

This  is  what  the  Constitution  says  in  regard  to  the  judicial 
power.  Well,  then  if  it  gives  the  Supreme  Court  the  right  to  set- 
tle controversies  between  States,  why  do  we  find  the  President's 
party  resisting  that  settlement?  It  was  agreed  on  all  hands  to 
abide  by  its  decision ;  but  when  that  infernal  party  saw  that  the 
Supreme  Court  could  not  consistently  decide  their  way,  they  flew 
all  to  pieces,|;and  said  that  honorable  body  was  defective.  But 
now,  they  having  the  power  in  their  own  hands,  can  it  be  hoped 
they  will  not  carry  it  out  according  to  their  own  notions  and  to 
Mr.  Seward's  Higher  Law  doctrine?  I  think  not,  and  if  the  Slave- 
holding  States  are  not  justifiable  in  withdrawing  from  a  section 
that  hadrnot  only  declared  hostility  to  their  institutions,  but  had 
actually  commenced  it,  by  bringing  an  armed  force,  with  all  ne- 
cessary equipments  to  carry  on  a  servile  war,  and  placed  them  at 
one  of  the  armories  of,  and  in  the  very  heart  of  a  Slave-holding 
State.  But  yet  we  are  told  by  the  President  that  the  Southern 
States  had  no  constitutional  right  to  secede.  Notwithstanding, 
his  very  party  sent  them  here,  letters  having  been  found  with 
Capt.  Brownfrom  some  of  the  leading  men  of  the  President's 
party. 

The  President,  when  presiding  over  the  whole  of  the  United 
States  had,  I  think,  the  appointment  of  some  30,000  officers  in  the 
Southern  States.     These  beintj  such  men  as  he  now  has  in  his  Cab- 


SLAVERY    AND    ABOLITIONISM.  45 

inet,  diffused  all  through  this  country,  it  would  not,  it  is  very  like- 
ly, taken  them  longer  than  one  year  to  have  accomplished  their 
design. 

I  will  now  take  a  broad  side  view  of  Mr.  Ijin coin's  whole  inau- 
gural, and  wind  up  this  addition.  He  states  in  the  course  of  his 
inaugural,  that  if  the  Slave-holder  would  make  an  effort  in  good 
temper.  This,  I  suppose,  implies  that  if  they  would  go  to  those 
States  where  the  obnoxious  laws  are  enacted,  and  when  they  had 
advanced  within  eight  or  ten  feet  of  the  authorities,  fall  on  their 
knees,  and  beg  them,  for  God's  sake,  to  please  let  them  have  their 
fugitives,  would  be  considered  in  good  temper. 

And,  again,  in  the  course  of  his  inaugural,  he  asks  the  question, 
can  a  compact  formed  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  a  majority  of 
a  nation,  as  people,  be  broken  without  a  majority  of  the  same  ?  I 
will  answer  his  by  asking  him  one.  Tell  me  if  the  members  of 
this  compact  set  forth  by  specified  rules,  by  which  each  one  of  the 
party  were  to  receive  justice,  and  thereby  be  benefitted :  the  ob- 
ject being  to  extend  their  peace  and  prosperity,  and  secure  their 
lives  and  property  ?  I  ask  if  a  part  should  be  so  ungrateful  as  to 
intrude  upon  the  other's  property  and  rights,  directly  contrary  to 
the  rule  they  had  all  agreed  to  maintain  inviolate,  and  on  demand- 
ing a  redress,  fail  to  get  it,  but  receive  instead  an  insult,  could  it 
be  reasonably  expected  that  the  offended  party  would  hold  on, 
when  the  offending  party  had  worked  corruption  to  the  peace  and 
property  of  the  offended,  and,  too,  contrary  to  the  letter  of  the 
compact  ?  Would  it  not  be  right  for  the  offended  party  to  with- 
draw, from  the  fact  that  the  compact  had  failed  to  accomplish  the 
object  for  which  it  was  formed,  consequently  was  of  no  more  use 
to  them  ? 

A  governmental  compact  is  binding  as  long  as  the  laws  are  faith- 
fully executed,  but  no  longer. 

Again,  he  says  that  every  member  of  Congress  is  sworn  to  sup- 
port the  whole  Constitution,  and  he  says  the  Fugitive  clause  is  as 
plainly  written  as  any  clause  in  the  Constitution.  But  yet  we  find 
him  and  his  party  resisting  that  clause.  ISTow,  I  do  not  wish  to 
say  anything  that  would  in  any  wise  invalidate  the  President's  nor 
his  party's  oaths,  but  it  does  look  strange  to  me  for  men  who  had 
taken  it,  act  directly  contrary  to  the  purposes  for  which  it  was 
taken. 

I,  therefore,  hold  that  the  seceding  States  are  perfectly  justifi- 
able in  seceding;  and  I  also  hold  that  if  they  had  not  done  so, 


46  SLAVERY    AND   ABOLITIONISM. 

after  they  had  endeavored  for  a  quarter  of  a  century  to  quell  an 
evil,  that  they  saw  was  sure  to  destroy  their  property,  civil  privi- 
leges, and  the  religious  morals  of  their  children,  -would  have  been, 
I  hold,  unworthy  the  name  of  free  men.  They,  seeing  this  evil's 
infernal  effects  upon  their  lives  and  property,  what  more  could 
they  do  for  their  children,  than  to  separate  as  far  as  possible  from 
this  evil,  which  had  been  a  hinderance  to  their  onward  progress 
for  a  quarter  of  a  century;  and,  instead  of  it's  getting  better,  was 
actually  getting  worse,  so  much  so,  that  it  had  actually  assumed  a 
formidable  position  ?  I  hold  that  had  the  Slave-holding  States, 
under  these  inauspicious  circumstances,  remained  in  the  Union, 
when  every  attempt  to  the  claim  of  an  equality  in  the  Union  had 
been  contemptuously  treated,  would  have  subjected  themselves, 
for  a  verdict  to  be  given  by  their  rising  posterity,  against  the  judg- 
ment and  patriotism  of  their  forefathers. 

Relying  on  Him  who  works  all  things  after  the  counsel  of  His 
own  will,  we  look  for  prosperity  and  hope  for  success. 


